Decolonisation and the politics of transition in South Asia
In: Critical thinking in South Asian history
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In: Critical thinking in South Asian history
In: Routledge studies in South Asian history 2
Caste and power : competing discourses in colonial Bengal -- Caste and popular religion : revolt against hierarchy and its limits -- Caste and social reform : the case of widow remarriage -- Caste and gender : social mobility and the status of women -- Caste and the territorial nation : Hindu Mahasabha, partition, and the Dalit
In: London studies on South Asia 15
World Affairs Online
In: India quarterly: a journal of international affairs, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 317-333
ISSN: 0975-2684
India–New Zealand relations, which could be historically dated back to the days of the British Empire, lacked until recently in substance and were rocked by several irritants, the most important of which were the divergent views on the issue of nuclear non-proliferation. However, in last one decade or so there have been some remarkable developments in this bilateral relation, as the security interests of the two nations have converged, volume of trade increased, educational ties grew stronger and people-to-people contacts improved significantly. While there still remain some challenges, as negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement have taken longer time than expected, there are also immense possibilities. This essay looks critically at those challenges and possibilities in the relationship between two countries, which on the one hand share some historic common grounds, but are also set apart by geography as well as numerous systemic dissimilarities.
In: India quarterly: a journal of international affairs ; IQ, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 317-333
ISSN: 0019-4220, 0974-9284
In: Asian studies review, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 455-467
ISSN: 1467-8403
In: Journal of South Asian Development, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 1-32
ISSN: 0973-1733
In the early days of independence the province of West Bengal witnessed a violent communist upsurge in 1948–50. In many ways the events of this period foreshadowed what happened in this province during the Naxalite experiment of the late 1960s and the early 1970s. This paper, using recently declassified IB records, seeks to reconstruct this less-known episode in the history of the communist movement in India. It was apparently an attempt to revive the Tebhaga movement, which was left half way in 1946. But in areas it touched on a variety of issues affecting marginal peasants and industrial workers in the early years of independence. In the end it appeared that the mass support for this attempted 'people's democratic revolution' was sporadic, localised and issue-based. In 1950, following an intense internal ideological debate within the party, the Communist Party of India (CPI) decided to abandon its revolutionary line and decided to participate in the forthcoming general elections. This paper unravels this process of transformation of the communist movement in India from a revolutionary to a constitutional movement operating within the perimeters of mass electoral politics.
In: Modern Asian studies, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 893-942
ISSN: 1469-8099
Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of
Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National
Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards
an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was
enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste
Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of
this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and
Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two
years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a
seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into
the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a
recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general
public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes
Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to
think of their country first, before considering their sectarian
interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke
down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other
things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from
the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was
defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity,
whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's
chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as
nothing but a 'crisis'.
In: Modern Asian studies, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 893-942
ISSN: 0026-749X
In: The Indian economic and social history review: IESHR, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 507-510
ISSN: 0973-0893