Suchergebnisse

The attitudes of young people in Croatia to human rights and duties form the subject of analysis in this text. Perception of human rights was analysed as a universal value for respondents, as a constitutional principle of the political and social system and as a goal (priority) of Croatian politics. The analysis is based on the results of empirical research conducted in 1999 with a representative sample of 1700 young people aged 15 to 29, from the whole of Croatia. The results indicate that human rights represent a very significant social value for the greater part of the young (88%). The results also show that, in the formation of young people's attitudes toward human rights and the evaluation of their realisation, the dominant influence belongs to their political orientation (measured through their party preference) and the social-cultural status of the young (the participant's level of education, place of residence, parental education, etc.). Unlike the supporters of right-wing political options, the sympathizers with social-democratic and liberal options accept human rights to a higher degree and are more critical toward the level of their realization in Croatia.

U radu se ispituje dvojna uloga matematičkog obrazovanja u društvu i to s jedne strane kao instrumenta tehno-ekonomskog razvoja, a s druge kao mehanizma za postizanje društvenog statusa. U tu svrhu razmatra se uloga matematičkog obrazovanja u povećanju ekonomske produktivnosti i kompetitivnosti, u (re)produkciji društvenih nejednakosti, kao i njegova važnost za aktivno građanstvo. Polazeći od koncepata ljudskog kapitala i znanja visokog statusa zastupa se teza da se ekonomski i statusni aspekt matematičkog obrazovanja ne mogu razmatrati odvojeno budući da aktualno (pre)naglašavanje ekonomskog aspekta pojačava tendenciju ka obrazovnoj reprodukciji društvenih nejednakosti što u konačnici može biti ekonomski disfunkcionalno. Autori naglašavaju potrebu za odmakom od obrazovnih politika usmjerenih primarno na ekonomsku učinkovitost pojedinca - svaćenog kao apstraktnog nositelja ljudskog kapitala - prema politikama koje pitanje razvoja ljudskih resursa povezuju sa smanjenjem strukturalnih nejednakosti u (matematičkom) obrazovanju i društvu općenito. (IN ENGLISH: The paper examines the dual role of mathematics education in society, on the one hand as an instrument of technological and economic development, and on the other as a mechanism for status attainment. Therefore, the authors discuss the role of mathematics education in raising economic competitiveness and productivity, in the (re)production of social inequalities, and its relevance for active citizenship. Drawing on the concepts of human capital and high status knowledge, it is asserted that the economic and status attainment aspects of mathematics education cannot be separated, since the actual (over)accentuation of the economic aspect strengthens the tendency for educational reproduction of social inequalities, which in the end can be economically dysfunctional. The authors emphasise the need for retreat from educational policies focused primarily on individual economic effectiveness – conceptualised through abstract holders of human capital – towards policies that combine the issue of human resources development with the question of structural inequalities in (mathematics) education and the wider society.)

Croatia seems to be a fairly good example to illustrate the complexity and controversies encountered when dealing with the education of national ethnic minorities. National minority rights, including education, are far more complicated and sensitive projects in a transitional society - especially in countries immediately after a war or after severe interethnic conflicts (which sometimes escalated to "ethnic cleansing" as in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) - in comparison with well-settled, advanced democracies with elaborated human rights and with a "historical distance" towards previous wars and ethnic conflicts. In Croatia we can distinguish between "historical or autochtonous national minorities", some of which could be called "imperial", and the so-called "new minorities". Sooner or later we can expect the formation of immigrant minorities together with the rise of labour immigration. Special education for minorities is a thorny agenda, which on the one hand involves "real demands" (the European Charter) by vivid cultural communities with a developed collective identity and on the other, the readiness of a government to adopt these cultural (educational) demands as legitimate ones. The juridical-formal and public-political recognition of minorities and their rights to social and cultural equality is only the beginning and not the end in the process of comprehensive reconstruction of both a society and its educational system towards intercultural negotiations and multicultural perspectives. If minority education reduces itself to mechanically added special, minority related contents with no real interaction with the common majority education, it may only lead to further alienation of that minority from mainstream society and even to its stigmatisation. The social and cultural integration of a national minority into an open multicultural society depends not only on the willingness of a dominant ethnic group to recognise its equal cultural rights, but also depends on the political culture and readiness of a given minority to integrate into a culturally pluralistic society and accept the equality of others ("minority paradox"). As a final conclusion, the formally equal approach to different cultural communities may provoke new issues and jeopardise even a sincere attempt to promote the minority cause in education or in other fields. A fair and just education of national minorities in a society opening itself up to multiculturalist prospects can only be the result of a dynamic process of negotiations between a majority and a minority group (or groups) based on mutual recognition.

IN CROATIAN: Ovaj je prilog analiza nekih dimenzija odnosa mladih u Hrvatskoj prema ljudskim pravima. Analiza se temelji na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja provedenog 1999. godine na reprezentativnom uzorku od 1.700 ispitanika u dobi od 15 do 29 godina. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su da ljudska prava i slobode velikoj većini mladih znače vrlo važnu opću vrednotu. Kad je riječ o ostvarivanju ljudskih prava i sloboda kao političkog cilja, potpora mladih je upola manja, a što je djelomice posljedica pritiska drugih velikih problema čije se rješavanje nameće kao prioritetno. Najveće je nesuglasje utvrđeno u percepciji poštivanja ljudskih prava i sloboda u Hrvatskoj jer su se mladi ravnomjerno podijelili na zadovoljne i nezadovoljne, uz četvrtinu onih koji ne mogu procijeniti status ljudskih prava u nas. Mladi, naposljetku, ocjenjuju da je doprinos promatranih institucija vlasti i civilnih udruga ostvarivanju ljudskih prava relativno zadovoljavajući. Nalazi potvrduju prevladavajući utjecaj političkog opredjeljenja (posredovanog stranačkom preferencijom) na oblikovanje stavova spram ljudskih prava i sloboda. Pritom se mladi jasno dijele u dvije podskupine: na jednom su polu pristaše stranaka socijaldemokratske i liberalne provenijencije, uglavnom iz viših društvenih slojeva, koji su bili kritički raspoloženi prema ostvarenosti ljudskih prava u Hrvatskoj i odgovornost za to pripisuju institucijama vlasti (istodobno percipirajući pozitivan doprinos civilno-opozicijskog sektora), a na drugom polu simpatizeri desnih političkih stranaka, najčešće iz nižih socijalnih slojeva, koji su uglavnom bili zadovoljni poštivanjem ljudskih prava i ujedno pozitivno vrednovali doprinos institucija vlasti. --- IN ENGLISH: This paper analyzes certain dimensions of the relation of Croatian youth towards human rights. The analysis is based on the results of an empirical research conducted in 1999 on a representative sample of 1700 young people, aged 15 to 29, from the entire Croatian territory. The results point to the fact that human rights and freedoms represent a very significant social value for the greater part of the young. When looking at the realization of human rights and freedoms as a political goal, the support of the youth is twice smaller, which is partially the effect of the pressure caused by same other great problems, the solution of which is of a higher priority. The greatest dissent was registered in regards of the perception of the respect for human rights and freedoms in Croatia, because the young people had evenly split into the satisfied and the dissatisfied, with a quarter of those which can not evaluate the status of human rights in our country. Finally, the young estimate that the contribution of the observed institutions of government and civil society organizations to the realization of human rights is relatively satisfactory. The obtained point to the dominant influence of political orientation (mediated through party preference) on the formation of the young people's attitudes toward human rights and freedoms. At that, there are two clearly defined subgroups of youth: on the one side, there are the supporters of the socio-democratic and liberal parties, mostly from higher social background, which were more critically disposed toward the realization of human rights in Croatia and addressed the responsibility for that conditions to the institutions of government (perceiving, at the same time, the positive contribution of the civil society-opposition sector), on the other side, there are the sympathizers of right-wing political parties, coming most often from lower social background, which were mostly satisfied by the respect for human rights and, at the same time, thought the contribution of the institutions of government has been positive.

IN ENGLISH: This article provides a panoramic view of research findings on social inequalities in access to higher education in Croatia since the 1960s, guided by the question of what has changed in the findings. Our review shows that there is stark continuity over the last five decades: students from better educated family backgrounds tend to be overrepresented in higher education ; students from better educated and white-collar family backgrounds are more likely to enrol in academic as opposed to professional study courses ; students at one Croatian university in particular stand out in terms of their more privileged social background ; and medicine seems to be the prime academic field for observing social reproduction. We note that these persistent findings run parallel to a dramatically changing political, economic and social context in Croatia, including transformations in the 1990s resulting from social ownership of the means of production to widespread private ownership, as well as transformations from a one-party political system to the establishment of a multi-party political system. The article maps possible theoretical explanations for the resilience of social inequalities in access to higher education in the context of dynamic times. It also questions the role of educational policies in this process. --- IN CROATIAN: U članku se daje pregled rezultata istraživanja društvenih nejednakosti u pristupu visokom obrazovanju u Hrvatskoj od 1960-tih do danas, vodeći se pitanjem o mogućim promjenama. Pokazuje se da postoji izraziti kontinuitet u rezultatima istraživanja u zadnjih pet desetljeća: studenti više obrazovanih roditelja u pravilu su nadzastupljeni u visokom obrazovanju; studenti više obrazovanih roditelja i roditelja službenika češće upisuju akademske nego stručne studijske programe; studenti jednog hrvatskog sveučilišta izdvajaju se u smislu njihovog privilegiranog socijalnog porijekla; medicina se pokazuje kao područje studija u kojem je društvena reprodukcija najzastupljenija. Ističe se postojanost ovih nalaza u okolnostima izrazitih političkih, ekonomskih i socijalnih promjena, uključujući tranzicijske procese iz 1990-tih. U članku se mapiraju moguća teorijska objašnjenja postojanosti društvenih nejednakosti u pristupu visokom obrazovanju u kontekstu društvenih promjena. Preispituje se i uloga obrazovnih politika u ovome procesu.

The article presents a review of the competence-framed concept of compulsory mathematics education and appropriate instruction methods, in light of the international influences on Croatia through comparative ranking in PISA mathematical literacy. We begin by reviewing the conceptual constructs behind social influences on the supra-national development of the literacy/competence concept in mathematics education and assessment, and briefly examine its components and instructional contributions. Within this context we proceed to map past and current, and extrapolate future, changes in the conceptualisation of school mathematics and mathematics teaching in Croatian compulsory education, including recent empirical findings on mathematics instruction in Croatian primary schools. The aim is to examine social and (comparative) political influences on subject-matter and teaching of 'hard' school subjects such as mathematics, chart Croatia's current position according to international assessment and instructional trends, and recommend possible steps in immediate development of educational policy. (IN CROATIAN: Članak donosi pregled koncipiranja obveznog matematičkog obrazovanja kroz kompetencijske ishode te prikladnih metoda poučavanja. Takav pregled daje se u svjetlu međunarodnih utjecaja na koncipiranje matematičkog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj kroz rangiranje matematičke pismenosti 15-godišnjaka u PISA testiranju. Na početku se obrazlažu konceptualni konstrukti u pozadini društvenih utjecaja na nad-državni razvoj pojma pismenosti/kompetentnosti u obrazovanju i testiranju iz matematike. U tom svjetlu pregledavaju se prošla i sadašnja, te predlažu moguća buduća, određenja i promjene školskog matematičkog obrazovanja i procesa poučavanja matematike u hrvatskim osnovnim školama. Pregled empirijskih istraživanja praksi i stavova o matematičkom obrazovanju u posljednjih nekoliko godina komplement je pregledu teoretskih određenja. Cilj je istražiti i prikazati društvene i (komparativne) političke utjecaje na sadržaj i poučavanje 'čvrstih' školskih predmeta kao što je matematika, obilježiti trenutnu hrvatsku poziciju po međunarodnim testiranjima i empirijskim istraživanjima stavova učenika i nastavnika, te preporučiti moguće neposredne korake u razvoju obrazovne politike u području matematičkog obrazovanja.)

Between 1986 and 1999, radical and far-reaching changes occurred in Croatia, which were presumed to have considerably affected the changes in the attitudes and behavioral patterns of the young. To perceive these changes more clearly, we need a reminder of Croatia in the middle 1980's and at the end of the past century. At the time of the first research, Croatia was, along with Slovenia, the most developed republic in the former state, the Socialist Federate Republic of Yugoslavia. Its ethnic composition was relatively heterogeneous since almost a quarter of the population did not belong to the majority - Croatian. The political system, like in rest of Yugoslavia, was normatively defined as self-management socialism. The ideological and political postulates this political system was based on included, among others, the brotherhood and unity of (the constitutional) nations and ethnic groups, social ownership, workers' self-management, a social and class conflict-free society guaranteeing a relatively high minimum of social rights (employment, and through this it, health and retirement insurance, and even the right to public housing), and on the monopoly of the Communist Party authority, as the working class's "avant-garde" and the main promoter of the cult of J. Broz Tito. This totalitarian society, during the mid 1980's, faced an economic and political crisis that constantly deepened after Tito's withdrawal from the political arena. The disappearance of the autocratic party and state leader, who was the unquestionable political authority and arbiter for almost four decades, hastened the surfacing of, what had been up to then, suppressed antagonisms as well as non-dogmatic ideas. It was actually a period of a certain political liberalization, visible in the decreasing of ideological pressures and in the questioning of the socialist project as the best possible form of social and political system for a community, but also in the escalation of national conflicts that would, in the end, bring about the disillusion of ...

Part I: Gendered continuities and challenges in education/higher education – policy/politics -- Chapter 1. Reflections on the emergence, history and contemporary trends in Nordic research on gender and education (Lahelma) -- Chapter 2. How gender and economic, cultural and social capital influence educational decisions of students in the Croatian context (Baranović) -- Chapter 3. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: How can we challenge racism, sexism and white privilege in the globalized academy? (Mählck) -- Chapter 4. Intersectional Gender Analysis in Curriculum for Primary Teacher Education in Sweden (Risenfors) -- Part II: Challenging inequalities in formal and informal educational contexts -- Chapter 5. Women's Right to Lifelong Learning and Empowerment – Informal training program in a Turkish NGO (Öztan) -- Chapter 6. Learning to resist "othering" – On the Swedish Urban Justice Movement's learning processes in racialized urban landscapes (León-Rosales) -- Chapter 7. Citizenship in the Making in Turkey: From gendered passive citizens to the enacting citizens (Kancı) -- Chapter 8. The making of neo-liberal boys: Unpacking the construction of 'real boyness' in Indonesian and Swedish Early Childhood Education settings (Adriany) -- Chapter 9. Gendered discourses on performances, work and talent in Swedish secondary school (Holm) -- Chapter 10. The gender gap in education: teachers' and study counsellors' stereotyped perceptions (Perander) -- Chapter 11. Gender in language education and civic orientation for adult migrants in Sweden – A study of policy documents and teaching materials (Carlson).