Media społecznościowe w pracy dziennikarzy w Polsce, Rosji i Szwecji: analiza porównawcza
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3914
In: Komunikowanie i media [27]
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In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3914
In: Komunikowanie i media [27]
In: Information Polity: the international journal of government & democracy in the information age, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 357-371
ISSN: 1875-8754
The digitalisation of political communication has played a crucial role in campaigns on both national and regional levels. For many political candidates in Poland, Facebook has become the primary tool for building a successful campaign. However, campaigns for elections to regional government bodies are often associated with traditional offline media, outdoor advertising and ubiquitous leaflets. The aim of this paper is to contribute to our knowledge of electoral communications in Poland from the regional perspective. Data gathered during the 2018 online campaign for the Lower Silesian Regional Assembly examined through a semiautomated content analysis uncovered the dynamics of the professionalisation of Polish political communication and identified predictors of Facebook adoption for electoral purposes among regional candidates. Furthermore, focusing solely on Facebook data, research revealed a tendency toward the normalisation of social media campaigning and a propensity for using mobilisation communication strategies. Taken together, this paper provides new insights into the study of political campaigning in Central and Eastern Europe on social media from the perspective of political actor.
In: Central European Journal of Communication, Band 14, Heft 2(29), S. 357-360
This is the review of the book by Francesco Marconi "Newsmakers: Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Journalism."
This article is dedicated to the analysis and evaluation of political communication on a regional level. Without any doubt, the Internet revolution affected electoral campaigning on every level. Online campaigning before local elections is often marginalized by political scientists and other scholars researching political marketing. However, the question emerges: are the candidates aware of the possibilities that new media has brought to political communication? Content analysis of all the major online communication tools has allowed the author to analyze the patterns of using websites, official Facebook profiles and Twitter accounts of candidates during the 2014 Lower Silesian Regional assembly elections. The Lower Silesian Voivodeship is among the fastest developing regions in Poland with high Internet penetration rate. Is the Internet campaign treated as a second-class way to communicate with potential voters, or is it perceived as an opportunity to reach electorate online?
BASE
In: Polish political science review: Polski przeglad politologiczny, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 69-85
ISSN: 2353-3773
Abstract
The goal of this study was to test the result presented by Stolee and Caton (2018) that former President of the United States Donald Trump primarily addressed his devoted electorate via Twitter. In the empirical setup, we referred to the theoretical concepts of a politician's base and of an 'echo chamber' and the theories of populist leaders' communication. The regression techniques were applied to determine the relationship between the popularity, measured as the number of "favorites" and "retweets", and the frequency of words representing 16 topics. The topics connected to Trump's self-praise, critique of opponents, the issue of immigration, and dealings with rival countries increased the popularity of the tweets. Surprisingly, tweets including the topics connected to crucial issues for the American public did not attract much interest. These results are in line with the theory of Stolee and Caton and may indicate that followers were not interested in the substantive content of the President's posts. The results also confirm our hypothesis that while Trump's message had a populist character, he primarily addressed his devoted electorate, not the wider audience.
We estimate a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium model that allows for regimes Markov switching (MS-DSGE). Existing MS-DSGE papers for the United States focus on changes in monetary policy or shocks volatility, contributing the debate on the Great Moderation and/or Volcker disinflation. However, Poland which here serves as an example of a transition country, faced a wider range of structural changes, including long disinflation, EU accession or tax changes. The model identifies high and low rigidity regimes, with the timing consistent with menu cost explanation of nominal rigidities. Estimated timing of the regimes captures the European Union accession and indirect tax changes. The Bayesian model comparison results suggest that model with switching in both analyzed rigidities is strongly favored by the data in comparison with switching only in prices or in wages. Moreover, we find significant evidence in support of independent Markov chains.
BASE
In: Polish political science review: Polski przeglad politologiczny, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 86-88
ISSN: 2353-3773
In: Wiadomości statystyczne / Glówny Urza̜d Statystyczny, Polskie Towarzystwo Statystyczne: czasopismo Głównego Urze̜du Statystycznego i Polskiego Towarzystwa = The Polish statistician, Band 2012, Heft 8, S. 44-54
ISSN: 2543-8476
This article attempts to assess the impact of import price index on prices of goods and services (total CPI) in Poland and the producer price in the domestic market (domestic PPI). Based on monthly data, dependences were examined according to both long-term (price analysis, using the method co-integrative) and short-term (monthly analysis of price dynamics, using a vector error correction model). The study shows that both producer prices and the consumer react with a considerable delay to changes in import prices. Long-term effect of elasticity of import prices on producer prices is more than double than on consumer price and amounted to approximately 0,5. Moreover, for both measures, the long-term impact of domestic prices was stronger than in the short term.
The aim of the study is to estimate the impact of the so-called family social capital (family ties capital) on economic growth. We hypothesise that marital dissolution expresses decrease in the capacity for cooperation, collaboration and sharing responsibility not only within the family but also on a professional level. Thus, an increase in the divorce to marriage rate is accompanied by a slowdown in economic growth. The divorce rate is regarded here as an indirect cause of the slowdown. The reasons stem from the breakdown of cooperation and collaboration, as well as increased risk, trust reduction, and the shortening of the decision-making time horizon accompanying divorces and resulting from divorces. These phenomena directly affect the working members of the family in which a divorce takes place. According to the main hypothesis, their impact is transferred to professional life and concerns employee teams. For the study, we employ econometric models, the first one for Poland and the second for 15 European Union countries, for the period 1993–2017.
BASE
The aim of the study is to estimate the impact of the so-called family social capital (family ties capital) on economic growth. We hypothesise that marital dissolution expresses decrease in the capacity for cooperation, collaboration and sharing responsibility not only within the family but also on a professional level. Thus, an increase in the divorce to marriage rate is accompanied by a slowdown in economic growth. The divorce rate is regarded here as an indirect cause of the slowdown. The reasons stem from the breakdown of cooperation and collaboration, as well as increased risk, trust reduction, and the shortening of the decision-making time horizon accompanying divorces and resulting from divorces. These phenomena directly affect the working members of the family in which a divorce takes place. According to the main hypothesis, their impact is transferred to professional life and concerns employee teams. For the study, we employ econometric models, the first one for Poland and the second for 15 European Union countries, for the period 1993–2017.
BASE
The aim of the study is to estimate the impact of the so-called family social capital (family ties capital) on economic growth. We hypothesise that marital dissolution expresses decrease in the capacity for cooperation, collaboration and sharing responsibility not only within the family but also on a professional level. Thus, an increase in the divorce to marriage rate is accompanied by a slowdown in economic growth. The divorce rate is regarded here as an indirect cause of the slowdown. The reasons stem from the breakdown of cooperation and collaboration, as well as increased risk, trust reduction, and the shortening of the decision-making time horizon accompanying divorces and resulting from divorces. These phenomena directly affect the working members of the family in which a divorce takes place. According to the main hypothesis, their impact is transferred to professional life and concerns employee teams. For the study, we employ econometric models, the first one for Poland and the second for 15 European Union countries, for the period 1993–2017.
BASE
In: Defence Technology, Band 16, Heft 3, S. 520-529
ISSN: 2214-9147
In: Materials and design, Band 174, S. 107802
ISSN: 1873-4197
In: Emerging markets, finance and trade: EMFT, Band 52, Heft 8, S. 1910-1921
ISSN: 1558-0938
In: Athenaeum: polskie studia politologiczne, Band 72, Heft 4, S. 7-28