Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Acronyms -- 1 Introduction: What Kind of Peace Is Possible in the Post-9/11 Era? -- 2 Peace in Guatemala: Settling for What Seems Possible or Aiming for What Is Desirable -- 3 Decentralization and Sustainable Peacebuilding in Mozambique: Bringing the Elements Together Again -- 4 Local Governance and Sustainable Peace: The Haitian Case -- 5 Palestine, 1993-2006: Failed Peacebuilding, Insecurity, and Poor Governance -- 6 Afghanistan: What Kind of Peace? The Role of Rural Development in Peacebuilding
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
In the literature on security sector reform (SSR), there is a debate between mainstream analysts of post-9/11 approaches, who argue that second-generation SSR (2GSSR) is emerging in some contexts, and post-colonial critics, who argue that despite discursive changes, Western-driven, securitized practices still dominate. This article bridges those views, building on Larzillière's (2016) idea that the diffusion of global power offers southern actors room for maneuver to construct alternatives to first-generation SSR. Grounding the debate in the Haitian case, the paper explores the mixed record of police and rule of law reform in that relatively permissive environment. It concludes that while some stakeholders have used Haiti's margin for maneuver to advance 2GSSR, powerful actors are privileging narrow security goals in a political and socioeconomic context that greatly constrains the consolidation of a new approach. The article concludes by situating the uncertain gains that have been made in Haiti in comparative thinking about the uneven prospects for 2GSSR in diverse fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS).
The idea of 'peacebuilding' has been widely discredited in Haiti due to the application of an orthodox liberal approach in the 1990s and the limits of stabilisation since 2004. Revitalising ' refondation', the transformative dimension of post-earthquake reconstruction, could connect that project to a more context-relevant concept of peacebuilding and especially to endogenous struggles for social justice. Drawing on critical constructivist theory and on the other contributions to this special issue, this introductory article suggests that there are possibilities to build the social basis for such changes, despite the alignment of forces in Haiti today.
"Obligations and Omissions: Canada's Ambiguous Actions on Gender Equality offers a critical analysis of Canada's commitments to gender equality programming. The chapters in this collection document Canada's equivocal approach, and overall diminished role, in the promotion of gender equality between 2006 and 2015. Drawing on rich theoretical analysis, empirical research and discourse analysis, the chapters reveal a complex picture of diverse practices in this time frame, underscoring the implications of these actions for communities in the Global South, for Canada's image in the international community and for future governments in the pursuit of a renewed gender equality strategy."--
Selon certaines analystes, le mouvement des femmes, leurs voix et leurs priorités ont été largement déplacées par les agences internationales en Haïti, à la suite du séisme qui a frappé le pays en janvier 2010. Cette critique s'insère dans des analyses postcoloniales plus larges, de la marginalisation ou l'instrumentalisation des forces vives du Sud par des agences internationales, notamment dans les États qui se trouvent dans des situations fragiles ou en conflit. Sans minimiser la pertinence de ces critiques, la recherche menée entre 2017 et 2019 vise à comprendre la manière dont certains réseaux féministes résistent à ces dynamiques et influencent l'adoption de politiques publiques alternatives, particulièrement en Haïti. A été mobilisé un cadre théorique féministe institutionnaliste pour expliquer comment la militance du mouvement des femmes haïtiennes, l'intérêt de certains acteurs institutionnels et l'accompagnement de quelques agences internationales ont mené à l'adoption de la Politique d'égalité femmes hommes en 2014. Ce cadre théorique permet aussi d'expliquer la faible mise en oeuvre de cette politique et d'en tirer des leçons stratégiques, notamment par rapport à l'importance de l'agentivité hétérogène dans un contexte de résistances patriarcales et de crises récurrentes.
