Suchergebnisse

El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a hacer comprender los orígenes y las primeras transformaciones organizativas de la Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN). Este trabajo pretende establecer si el modelo de partido que caracteriza a la UPN está más cerca de los partidos profesionales electorales que surgen en Europa con la tercera ola democratizadora o del modelo de partido de masas que históricamente ha caracterizado a los partidos regionalistas en Europa. Las conclusiones señalan como el importante papel del liderazgo, el rápido acceso a las instituciones o la debilidad organizativa inicial sitúan a la UPN mucho más cerca del partido profesional electoral (o catch-all) que de los partidos de masas u otros modelos intermedios. ; The main purpose of this article is to contribute to the understanding of the origins and the first organizational changes made by the Unión del Pueblo Navarro (UPN). In this sense, the article tries to establish whether the UPN is closer to the electoral-professional party model emerged in Europe's third wave of democratization, or to the mass party model that traditionally has characterized most regionalist parties. The conclusions shows how the important role of party leadership, the quick access to the institutions and the fragile party strength during the firsts years set the UPN closer to the electoral-professional party model.

La tesis analitza el procés de canvi organitzatiu que viu Unió Democràtica de Catalunya des del seu pacte amb Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (1978) fins el moment en que ambdós partits es constitueixen en una Federació de partits (2001). La principal hipòtesi de partida sosté que la influència de l'aliança es determinant per a entendre els diferents processos d'evolució organitzativa d'UDC. La revisió de la literatura sobre el canvi organitzatiu en els partits polítics permet elaborar un marc analític basat en el model de Panebianco (Modelos de partido, Alianza Ed. 1990). Aquest marc proposa diverses rutes capaces d'explicar el fenomen que centra l'atenció de la recerca: el canvi organitzatiu (entès en termes de relacions de poder) en partits dins d'aliances polítiques. La contrastació de les hipòtesis es realitza a partir de tècniques de process tracing. Els resultats permeten falsar diversos postulats excessivament deterministes de l'obra de Panebianco i, alhora, suggerir per a futures investigacions la validesa de les rutes del canvi organitzatiu que s'han proposat. ; This thesis analyzes the organizational change of Unió Democràtica de Catalunya since its alliance with Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (1978) up to the moment when both parties become united in a Federation of parties (2001). The main hypothesis is that the influence of the alliance is the most important factor to understand the organizational evolution of UDC. An analytical framework is developed with the literature on organizational change in political parties and Panebianco's work (Political Parties. Organization and Power, Cambridge Univ. Press). This framework proposes some paths to explain the main phenomenon of the research: the organizational change (in terms of power) in political parties within political alliances. The verification of the hypothesis is carried out with process tracing techniques. Finally, the results throw considerable doubts with some hypothesis of Panebianco's model. And, at the same time, suggests some ...

El objeto de este artículo consiste en mostrar de modo sucinto las trayectorias políticas y organizativas de los dos principales partidos de ámbito no estatal en Aragón: el Partido Aragonés (PAR) y la Chunta Aragonesista (CHA). Para ello, se hace énfasis en la importancia que los cambios en el entorno, especialmente el electoral, han tenido en la vida interna de ambos partidos, y, también, en la similitud de ambas trayectorias marcadas por un rápido crecimiento inicial y una importante erosión electoral una vez superado el umbral de la representación. ; The aim of this article is to describe the political and organizational evolution of the two main non state wide parties in Aragon: the Partido Aragonés (PAR) and the Chunta Aragonesista (CHA). The article focuses on the importance that the environmental changes, especially at the electoral arena, have had on the evolution of both parties. And also points out the similarities of their trajectories, deeply marked by a significant initial growth and steady electoral erosion once the representation threshold is achieved.

Chapter I. Political Parties Transition into the Digital Era -- Chapter 2. The Five-Pillar Model of Parties' Migration into the Digital -- Chapter 3. Regulating i-voting within countries and parties -- Chapter 4. Studying Digital Parties: Methods, Challenges and Responses -- Chapter 5. I-voting regulation within digital parties: the case of Podemos and Five Stars Movement -- Chapter 6. Cyber-Parties' Membership Between Empowerment and Pseudo-Participation: The cases of Podemos and the Five Star Movement -- Chapter 7. Anti-Party Digital Parties between Direct and Reactive Democracy. The Case of La France Insoumise -- Chapter 8. How to remain indispensable in the 21st century? The digital adaptation of PSOE and PSP in a crisis context.

This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.

Altres ajuts: SEJ2009-14381-C03-02 ; En este trabajo, los autores verifican si, entre 1977 y 2008, ha habido un aumento de la democracia interna en los principales partidos políticos españoles. Para ello, analizan el proceso de selección del líder, al tiempo que cuestionan si ha habido un incremento de la igualdad en la participación para elegirlo, favoreciendo sistemas representativos o de elección directa. El artículo plantea también la hipótesis de si el grado de igualdad en las reglas de la elección influye en el grado de competencia en la lucha por el liderazgo del partido. Para comprobar tal supuesto, los autores examinan las condiciones de elegibilidad así como la representatividad del cuerpo electoral que escoge al líder, la participación efectiva de los miembros y el nivel de competencia en el momento de la elección. Los resultados muestran que los partidos españoles han reforzado los mecanismos representativos de selección de los líderes. Por el contrario, no se observó una relación directa entre las reglas de la elección y el grado de competencia. ; The aim of this article is to test whether between 1977 and 2008 has been an increase in internal democracy in the main Spanish political parties. We will focus on the process of selecting the leader. Our research question is whether parties have fostered equality in the participation to select party leader, favouring representative tools or direct election either. We also test the hypothesis that the degree of equality in the selection party rules affects the degree of political competition amongst candidates for party leadership. The paper observes the conditions of eligibility (certification), the selectorate who chooses the leader, the level of participation of members and the level of competitiveness in the election. The results show that the parties have strengthened representation mechanisms for leader selection. Conversely, we didn't find empirical relation between selection party rules and the degree of competition for leadership.

The gradual implementation of new, more participatory and thus, more democratic mechanisms of intra-party decision-making has been pointed out by several party politics scholars. This phenomenon has been studied as the party elite's reactions to a widespread trend in Western countries: the party membership decline. Spain is still a deviant case in both the party membership decline trend, and with regards to the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision-making mechanisms. However, the paper point out that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread within Spanish party middle elites (party delegates). That is why the aim of this paper is to explain which factors are underpinning the supports for intra-party democracy amongst Spanish party delegates. After conducting a multivariate analysis, the results show that ideology, the involvement in intra-party experiences and the degree of pragmatism, amongst others, are factors strongly associated with the support for intraparty democracy in Spanish party middle elites.

The aim of this paper is to verify, for the Spanish case, whether between 1977 and 2008 has increased the internal democracy of the major political parties (PSOE, AP / PP, PCE / IU, PNV and CDC). To do this, we will focus on their leadership selection processes, one of the key elements associated with intra-party democracy. The paper is going to introduce data on four different dimensions of leadership selection: the certification process, the voting procedure, the inclusiveness of the selectorate and, finally, the degree of competitiveness. The results will show that have been few changes in the leadership selection processes of the Spanish political parties since 1977. However, the results of the Spanish case will also be used to suggest some preliminary links between the four dimensions.