Suchergebnisse

In recent years, due to the increase of rescues and coastal arrivals of migrants there has been a change in the containment model. If previously it were the Foreigners´ Detention Centres (or CIE) or the Immigrants´ Temporary Stay Centres (or CETI) the ordinary devices for managing arrivals and referral to other immigration procedures, at present, following the humanitarian-managerial logic of border control, the so-called Foreigners´ Temporary Stay Centres have been created de facto. These are fenced buildings or seals in port areas where people are kept for a maximum of 72 hours to proceed to their police proceedings. This article will argue that the absence of a legal regulation of these centers, in addition to adding legal insecurity to the actions of public administration personnel, makes it difficult to recognize fundamental rights of the people detained and omits control mechanisms essential in any democratic society. ; En los últimos años, con el incremento de rescates y llegadas a costas euro­peas por vías marítimas de personas migrantes se ha producido un cambio en el modelo de contención. En el caso concreto del Estado español, si anteriormen­te eran los Centros de Internamiento para Extranjeros (CIE) o los Centros de Estancia Temporal para Inmigrantes (CETI) los dispositivos para la gestión de las llegadas y derivación hacia otros procedimientos de extranjería, en la actua­lidad, siguiendo la lógica humanitaria-gerencial del control de fronteras, se han creado de facto los denominados Centros de Atención Temporal de Extranjeros o CATE. Se trata de edificios o recintos vallados en zonas portuarias donde se mantiene detenidas a las personas durante un máximo de 72 horas para pro­ceder a su reseña policial y atención humanitaria. En este artículo se argu­ mentará que la ausencia de una regulación legal de estos centros, además de añadir inseguridad jurídica a las actuaciones del personal de la Administración pública, dificulta el reconocimiento derechos fundamentales de las personas en ellos recluidas y omite mecanismos de control imprescindibles propios de una sociedad democrática.

El objetivo de este texto es situar el papel de los turnos de oficio de extranjería en el debate de la industria del control de las migraciones, así como de la industria del rescate de las migraciones, en tanto que se enmarcan dentro de la estructura de un ente corporativo privado, pero de interés público, como son los colegios de abogacía, y son fruto de una regulación garantista del reconocimiento de una necesidad de defensa, particularmente en procedimientos sancionatorios de expulsión. Por tanto, el principal argumento es que los turnos de extranjería se sitúan en un espacio intermedio entre la IC y la IR: si bien hay una cierta remuneración y un lucro en las asistencias, estos turnos surgen, en gran medida, de impulsos personales y valores sociales como el compromiso con los derechos de las personas extranjeras.

Banks in Spain are receiving millions of euros of taxpayers' money, while hundreds of home owners are being evicted. Unable to continue paying their mortgages because of unemployment or insecure employment, people are chaining themselves to their houses or other symbolic buildings; embarking on indefinite hunger strikes; and suing banks for contract abuse. In effect they are responding to the crisis by claiming and affirming their right to decent housing. Using media, legal-judicial and activist discourses, this commentary investigates the innovative political and legal tactics of the Spanish anti-eviction protests regarding: legal claims, court mediation, dation in payment (full cancellation of mortgage debt when a property is returned to the bank) and the right to relocation. It is argued that, in response to their being constructed by the state as legally incapable, evicted families and individuals are enacting themselves as activist citizens when (re)claiming their right to decent housing.

From a traditional perspective of Law, the production of legal rules is limited to State powers (legislative, executive and judiciary) as well as to some social agents legitimated through mechanisms of social participation foreseen in the legal system. The regulatory capacity of agents not recognized as subjects of legality can only be investigated from a sociological perspective of alternativity of Law. This paper draws attention on acts of migrants, especially those irregular immigrants or "sin-papeles" as subjects of legality. Starting with an analysis of the social, legal and political context of the sit-ins and other acts of mobilization that took place in 2001, we will investigate the capacity of the sin-papeles movement in Barcelona to influence legal production either by creating, modifying or altering the policy agenda on migration. ; Desde un punto de vista formalista del Derecho, la producción de normas jurídicas está limitada a los poderes del Estado (legislativo, ejecutivo y judicial) así como a algunos agentes sociales legitimados por mecanismos de participación previstos en el ordenamiento jurídico. La capacidad normativa de agentes no reconocidos como sujetos de juridicidad únicamente puede ser investigada desde una perspectiva sociológica de la alternatividad del Derecho. Este texto presta atención a los actos de migrantes como sujetos de juridicidad, y especialmente a aquellos construidos social y normativamente como irregulares o autodefinidos como "sin-papeles". A partir de la descripción de circunstancias sociales, jurídicas y políticas en torno a los encierros y otros actos de movilización que tuvieron lugar en el año 2001, se pretende analizar cuál fue la capacidad de los sin-papeles para incidir en la producción legal ya sea creando, modificando o alterando la agenda normativa en materia migratoria.

This article investigates the acts of protest that occurred in the city of Barcelona and other Spanish cities in 2001 in response to imminent toughening of the Foreigners' law 8/2000. The sit-ins, demonstrations and hunger strikes led to negotiation with the government and the government's acceptance of some of the undocumented migrants or 'sinpapeles' demands for regularization of their status. At the same time, the sinpapeles also expressed a critique of the entire anti-immigrant border regime. These events demonstrated that citizenship could not be viewed exclusively as a fixed regime. Rather, it was a site for legal and political contestation. With the emergence of new subjects as claimants of rights, a number of scholars have pointed to the need for an alternative vocabulary of citizenship studies, one that includes certain practices that were previously excluded. The concept 'acts of citizenship' offers an approach to investigating such actions that considers actors not currently recognized as legal and political subjects. Applying this concept to the struggles of the sinpapeles, this article demonstrates how a number of acts converted previously undocumented immigrants into subjects of legaity, and to a certain extent, into citizens.