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This study aims to unveil the nexus between the governments of the Baltic states and think tanks (TTs), which work on foreign and security policy. The article argues that the Baltic governments wish to use TTs as instruments of foreign policies, as they are highly interested in influencing well-known TTs abroad to further their national interests. The Baltic states undertake a good deal of effort to contribute to debates in the capitals of the powerful nations through the TT channel, hoping that some form of support can be gained for their positions in the international arena. Meanwhile, the governments expect domestic TTs to be visible internationally and influence policy debates by sending Baltic-favourable messages to foreign policy communities. On the other side of the nexus, TTs adapt to government expectations while also trying to maintain some level of independence. The process of using TTs as instruments to further the aims of governments is based mainly on the perceptions of government officials themselves, who are convinced that TTs should serve policy goals. Governments dominate the nexus because TTs depend on governmental support and/or wish to be helpful in furthering governmental goals.

This study aims to unveil the nexus between the governments of the Baltic states and think tanks (TTs), which work on foreign and security policy. The article argues that the Baltic governments wish to use TTs as instruments of foreign policies, as they are highly interested in influencing well-known TTs abroad to further their national interests. The Baltic states undertake a good deal of effort to contribute to debates in the capitals of the powerful nations through the TT channel, hoping that some form of support can be gained for their positions in the international arena. Meanwhile, the governments expect domestic TTs to be visible internationally and influence policy debates by sending Baltic-favourable messages to foreign policy communities. On the other side of the nexus, TTs adapt to government expectations while also trying to maintain some level of independence. The process of using TTs as instruments to further the aims of governments is based mainly on the perceptions of government officials themselves, who are convinced that TTs should serve policy goals. Governments dominate the nexus because TTs depend on governmental support and/or wish to be helpful in furthering governmental goals.

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Ideology is the driving force of politically motivated violence. The war against al Qaeda is basically a war of ideas. The international community should defeat terrorists' ideological base in order to eliminate al Qaeda's network. Coordination of hard and soft power instruments may determine the success of combating al Qaeda's terrorist network and any other terrorist organization. Defeating al Qaeda's ideology should include operational fight against al Qaeda's ideologues, ideology's spreaders and responsive communication strategy. Increased activity of moderate Muslims in the ideological war against al Qaeda should also be a priority. These means may determine the discredit of al Qaeda's ideology and elimination of recruitment cycle. To sum up, soft power instruments are obligatory elements on purpose to stop al Qaeda's ideology expansion.

Ideology is the driving force of politically motivated violence. The war against al Qaeda is basically a war of ideas. The international community should defeat terrorists' ideological base in order to eliminate al Qaeda's network. Coordination of hard and soft power instruments may determine the success of combating al Qaeda's terrorist network and any other terrorist organization. Defeating al Qaeda's ideology should include operational fight against al Qaeda's ideologues, ideology's spreaders and responsive communication strategy. Increased activity of moderate Muslims in the ideological war against al Qaeda should also be a priority. These means may determine the discredit of al Qaeda's ideology and elimination of recruitment cycle. To sum up, soft power instruments are obligatory elements on purpose to stop al Qaeda's ideology expansion.

Ideology is the driving force of politically motivated violence. The war against al Qaeda is basically a war of ideas. The international community should defeat terrorists' ideological base in order to eliminate al Qaeda's network. Coordination of hard and soft power instruments may determine the success of combating al Qaeda's terrorist network and any other terrorist organization. Defeating al Qaeda's ideology should include operational fight against al Qaeda's ideologues, ideology's spreaders and responsive communication strategy. Increased activity of moderate Muslims in the ideological war against al Qaeda should also be a priority. These means may determine the discredit of al Qaeda's ideology and elimination of recruitment cycle. To sum up, soft power instruments are obligatory elements on purpose to stop al Qaeda's ideology expansion.

"Lithuania in Global Arena" is an annual academic review of Lithuania's foreign policy published by research cluster "International Relations and Security Processes: Lithuania in the Global Arena" at Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania). The aim of the journal is to give annual review and evaluation of Lithuania's foreign policy focusing on the following aspects: domestic factors that influence Lithuania's foreign policy; Lithuania's policy in European Union and NATO; Lithuania's relations with United States, strategic partners, Eastern countries, other regions, priority issues in Lithuania's foreign policy.

"Lithuania in Global Arena" is an annual academic review of Lithuania's foreign policy published by research cluster "International Relations and Security Processes: Lithuania in the Global Arena" at Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania). The aim of the journal is to give annual review and evaluation of Lithuania's foreign policy focusing on the following aspects: domestic factors that influence Lithuania's foreign policy; Lithuania's policy in European Union and NATO; Lithuania's relations with United States, strategic partners, Eastern countries, other regions, priority issues in Lithuania's foreign policy.

"Lithuania in Global Arena" is an annual academic review of Lithuania's foreign policy published by research cluster "International Relations and Security Processes: Lithuania in the Global Arena" at Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania). The aim of the journal is to give annual review and evaluation of Lithuania's foreign policy focusing on the following aspects: domestic factors that influence Lithuania's foreign policy; Lithuania's policy in European Union and NATO; Lithuania's relations with United States, strategic partners, Eastern countries, other regions, priority issues in Lithuania's foreign policy.