The Enduring Influence of The Logic of Violence in Civil War: The Logic of Violence in Civil War , by Stathis N. Kalyvas, Cambridge University Press, 2006, 488 pp
In: Civil wars, Band 25, Heft 2-3, S. 569-576
ISSN: 1743-968X
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In: Civil wars, Band 25, Heft 2-3, S. 569-576
ISSN: 1743-968X
In: Journal of Strategic Security: JSS, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 134-137
ISSN: 1944-0472
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 55, Heft 5, S. 789-831
ISSN: 1552-3829
How do organized criminal groups (OCGs) respond to military interventions intended to weaken and subdue them? In many cases, such crackdowns have proven counterproductive as OCGs militarize, engage in violence, and confront state forces directly. Existing studies have pointed to several explanations: inter-criminal competition, unconditional militarized approaches, and existing criminal governance arrangements. Much of this work, however, has focused on national, regional, or even municipal level variation and explanations. This article takes a micro-comparative approach based on 18 months of ethnographic research in a group of Rio de Janeiro favelas (impoverished and informal neighborhoods) divided between three drug trafficking gangs and occupied by the Brazilian military from 2014 to 2015. It argues that an active territorial threat from a rival is the primary mechanism leading OCGs to respond violently to military intervention. It also demonstrates that geographic patterns of recruitment play an important role in where OCG rivalries turn violent during intervention.
The fieldwork on which this article is based received generous funding from the Social Science Research Council, the National Science Foundation, and the U.S. Department of Education Fulbright Program. ; How do organized criminal groups (OCGs) respond to military interventions intended to weaken and subdue them? In many cases, such crackdowns have proven counterproductive as OCGs militarize, engage in violence, and confront state forces directly. Existing studies have pointed to several explanations: inter-criminal competition, unconditional militarized approaches, and existing criminal governance arrangements. Much of this work, however, has focused on national, regional, or even municipal level variation and explanations. This article takes a micro-comparative approach based on 18 months of ethnographic research in a group of Rio de Janeiro favelas (impoverished and informal neighborhoods) divided between three drug trafficking gangs and occupied by the Brazilian military from 2014 to 2015. It argues that an active territorial threat from a rival is the primary mechanism leading OCGs to respond violently to military intervention. It also demonstrates that geographic patterns of recruitment play an important role in where OCG rivalries turn violent during intervention. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed
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In: Dynamics of asymmetric conflict, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 121-122
ISSN: 1746-7594
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 967-987
ISSN: 1541-0986
Over the last decade, organized criminal violence has reached unprecedented levels and has caused as much violent death globally as direct armed conflict. Nonetheless, the study of organized crime in political science remains limited because these organizations and their violence are not viewed as political. Building on recent innovations in the study of armed conflict, I argue that organized criminal violence should no longer be segregated from related forms of organized violence and incorporated within the political violence literature. While criminal organizations do not seek to replace or break away from the state, they have increasingly engaged in the politics of the state through the accumulation of the means of violence itself. Like other non-state armed groups, they have developed variously collaborative and competitive relationships with the state that have produced heightened levels of violence in many contexts and allowed these organizations to gather significant political authority. I propose a simple conceptual typology for incorporating the study of these organizations into the political violence literature and suggest several areas of future inquiry that will illuminate the relationship between violence and politics more generally.
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 147-149
ISSN: 1548-2456
In: Latin American research review, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 397-406
ISSN: 1542-4278
In: International journal of sustainability in higher education, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 182-190
ISSN: 1758-6739
Outlines some of the benefits that can arise through partnership working between higher education institutions and other local organisations in the environment sector. Aims to contribute to the debate on sustainability by highlighting the capacity for partnerships to "unlock" value retained within single organisations. Argues for the need for more creativity in the ways in which HEIs interact with other organisations in the environment sector, in order to harness mutually‐advantageous opportunities. The situation in Northamptonshire (central England) is described and case studies are included to demonstrate some local successful partnership‐based projects and to highlight the wider approach. Suggests this approach can offer considerable scope for the personal development of academics and to benefit HEIs, the local communities they serve and the economies they operate within. States, in addition, that partnership working can significantly contribute to the process of sustainable management within HEIs and external organisations by promoting the effective use of human resources, information and finance for environmentally beneficial activity.
The visual prosthesis (or "bionic eye") has become a reality but provides a low resolution view of the world. Simulating prosthetic vision in normal-vision observers, previous studies report good face recognition ability using tasks that allow recognition to be achieved on the basis of information that survives low resolution well, including basic category (sex, age) and extra-face information (hairstyle, glasses). Here, we test within-category individuation for face-only information (e.g., distinguishing between multiple Caucasian young men with hair covered). Under these conditions, recognition was poor (although above chance) even for a simulated 40 × 40 array with all phosphene elements assumed functional, a resolution above the upper end of current-generation prosthetic implants. This indicates that a significant challenge is to develop methods to improve face identity recognition. Inspired by "bionic ear" improvements achieved by altering signal input to match high-level perceptual (speech) requirements, we test a high-level perceptual enhancement of face images, namely face caricaturing (exaggerating identity information away from an average face). Results show caricaturing improved identity recognition in memory and/or perception (degree by which two faces look dissimilar) down to a resolution of 32 × 32 with 30% phosphene dropout. Findings imply caricaturing may offer benefits for patients at resolutions realistic for some current-generation or in-development implants. ; We would like to thanks our funding sources: Australian Research Council (ARC) DP150100684; ARC Centre of Excellence in Cognition and its Disorders (project number CE110001021); Australian Government as represented by the Department of Broadband, Communications, and the Digital Economy; ARC Information and Communication Technologies Centre of Excellence Program; and ARC Special Research Initiative in Bionic Vision Science and Technology grant to Bionic Vision Australia.
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