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This paper presents some features of the partnerships and the non-profit organizations (NPOs) that received funds for public policies from the federal government between 2003 and 2011. The analysis is based on a new typology created to define the types of partnerships and their objectives that were implemented via non-profits as well as the intersection of this typology with data available in Fasfil/IBGE and other databases. The evolution of spending on partnerships is demonstrated, as well as their objectives by Ministry and by non-profit organization. The data also provides a better way to evaluate the place and space NPOs fill within federal public policies during the years considered. Although NPOs and their respective areas of collaboration are quite diverse, we found a strong relationship among the types of organizations and their partnership objectives in each area of public policy and/or federal government agency.

The scholarship on the accountability of local incumbents usually focuses on two main hypotheses. The first, the sub-national vote, argues that voters rely mostly on information on incumbent's local performance. The second hypothesis, the referendum vote, argues that is voters´ decision give more weight to national aspects, particularly their assessment of the president's performance. In this last case, the electoral fate of local incumbents would be determined by aspects outside their reach. In this paper we test those two hypotheses for the Brazilian case using a data set on 131 governor's elections for the 27 Brazilian states between 1990 and 2006. To our knowledge, this is the first time these two hypotheses are tested in a multiparty context, since previous studies focused mainly on two-party systems. Our results show no support for the referendum hypothesis, as national variables did not have any effect on the probability of governors´ reelection. Among the local variables, there is a negative effect from state fiscal deficits, a result that contradicts usual expectations on new democracies.

This paper analyzes the reverse coattail effect on Brazilian elections, a term originally coined by Ames (1994). More specifically, it deals with the ability of local party organizations to transfer votes to upper levels party candidates by concentrating on the causal electoral effect of electing a mayor over subsequent statewide proportional elections. To identify the effect of electing a mayor, it employs a regression discontinuity design (RDD) focusing on observations in which the electoral difference between the elected mayor and the runner-up is very tight. The use of a large dataset, covering elections between 1996 and 2010, allows exploring parties' heterogeneity inThis paper analyzes the reverse coattail effect on Brazilian elections, a term originally coined by Ames (1994). More specifically, it deals with the ability of local party organizations to transfer votes to upper levels party candidates by concentrating on the causal electoral effect of electing a mayor over subsequent statewide proportional elections. To identify the effect of electing a mayor, it employs a regression discontinuity design (RDD) focusing on observations in which the electoral difference between the elected mayor and the runner-up is very tight. The use of a large dataset, covering elections between 1996 and 2010, allows exploring parties' heterogeneity in both cross-section and temporal analyses. Main results show that the positive effect of electing a mayor on party performance in subsequent proportional election holds for the entire period. Another finding is that Brazilian parties show different capabilities in getting votes from their mayors, pointing that intra-party linkages may vary among parties. Finally, the impact of electing a mayor vary along the years.

Nesta entrevista, os pesquisadores Elza Berquó e Nelson do Valle Silva relembram suas trajetórias profissionais e a consolidação da pesquisa quantitativa nas ciências sociais no Brasil.