Suchergebnisse

Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has promoted a Shi'a Islamic identity aimed at transcending ethnic and national boundaries. During the same period, Iran's Armenian community, once a prominent Christian minority in Tehran, has declined by more than eighty percent. Although the Armenian community is recognised by the constitution and granted specific privileges under Iranian law, they do not share equal rights with their Shi'i Muslim compatriots. Drawing upon interviews conducted with members of the Armenian community and using sources in both Persian and Armenian languages, this book questions whether the Islamic Republic has failed or succeeded in fostering a cohesive identity which enables non-Muslims to feel a sense of belonging in this Islamic Republic. As state identities are also often key in exacerbating ethnic conflict, this book probes into the potential cleavage points for future social conflict in Iran.

Until a decade ago, it was unusual for officials in the Islamic Republic to use the word aqaliat (minority) to refer to ethno-linguistic minorities or Muslim sect minorities. Efforts to cast Sunni Muslims as a minority, or Azeri speakers, were treated with hostility, as the state, following a specific proclamation on ethnicity and sectarianism by Ayatollah Khomeini, viewed these concepts as divisive to the ummah and ultimately a threat to national security. Aqaliat was instead reserved for non-Muslims, specifically those recognized as minorities in the constitution: Assyrian, Chaldean and Armenian Christians, and Zoroastrian and Jewish Iranians. It is therefore worthwhile to examine how one such minority community, Iranian Armenians, has reacted to these changes.

This paper incorporates a study of "re-ghettoization" among the Armenian Christians of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It focuses on how legal marginalization has led to the emergence of an entirely separate existence from the Muslim majority in Tehran among Armenians born after the revolution. By focusing on the spatial and social divisions of the hayashatner (Armenian neighborhoods) and the "social" ghetto of the Ararat Compound, this article addresses the question: what are the social implications for religious discrimination in the Muslim Middle East? This paper is based on three extensive blocks of fieldwork carried out in Iran from 2010 to 2015.

In the writings on the modern nation-state by Hannah Arendt, the early modern nation-state is a provisional form preceding the truly modern state born out of the French Revolution. The fully modern nation-state came into existence with the fall of the figure that served as its first manifestation, the monarch. Arendt defines the shift from the monarchy to the popular state as the "conquest of the state by the nation." The migration of sovereignty from the monarchical to a more abstract structure reveals the state as a more fragile apparatus with the secret conflict between the legal authority of the government & the differences between social classes. The tensions at the heart of the nation-state manifest themselves freely and openly with the loss of the principle of enforcement by the force of monarchy sovereignty. Arendt uses Hobbes's Leviathan to describe the dramatic political shift accommodates in the new economic realities of imperialism in which the state has less to do with principles of structural stability & wellness than with the new metabolic sovereignty. She asserts that the tragic nature of this modern nation-state stems from the revolution needs in 1789 that sought to establish a new public world & a new social order that ultimately results in the loss of distinct principles of the state & the nation & reorganization to the idea of the popular will is a sovereign force sanctioned & driven by the "national soul. Arendt tries to capture her concept of the social realm in the dangers of flexibility of a recently and & flexible state, & laser postmortem unfinished as the forces of economic globalism continue to real feel new forms of distortion of the nation state. References. J. Harwell

Advocates use of the framework of the just-war theory in making decisions concerning covert action; US. Some focus on CIA activities in Chile.