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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface: The Ride of the Valkyries -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- CHAPTER 1. Embedded Corporatism: A Theoretical Perspective of U.S. Drug Enforcement and Its Pathologies in the Americas -- PART 1. Embedded Corporatism and the Making of U.S. Drug Enforcement -- CHAPTER 2. Drug War Profiteers: U.S. Drug Enforcement Decision Making and Plan Colombia and the Mérida Initiative -- CHAPTER 3. Beyond Colombia and Mérida: The Institutional Dimension of Corporate Power in the Drug Enforcement Regime -- CHAPTER 4. The Corporate Elite and the Drug Enforcement Regime -- PART 2. The Pathologies of Embedded Corporatism -- CHAPTER 5. The Privatization of Terror: U.S. Drug Enforcement Aid, Transnational Corporate Expansion, and Human Rights Repression -- CHAPTER 6. Corporate Hit Men: An Empirical Analysis of U.S. Drug Enforcement Aid, American Corporations, and Paramilitary Death Squads -- CHAPTER 7. Democracy without Rights: The Drug-War National Security State and Illiberal Democracies in Latin America -- CHAPTER 8. Drug War Capitalism and Class Conflict in the Americas -- CHAPTER 9. Drug War Policy Reforms and the Endurance of the Embedded Corporatist Regime -- Data Appendix -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

Recent years have witnessed the emergence of an international regime to combat human trafficking. Little, however, is understood about the determinants of states' compliance with international agreements against human trafficking. The compliance literature does not directly speak to
this issue but offers generalized theoretical explanations of states' compliance that feature the importance of hegemonic power, international institutions, and domestic political processes. This study considers the effects of women representation on states' compliance with international law
against human trafficking by estimating data for 146 countries using fixed effects and three-stage-least-square estimators that address issues of endogeneity. After controlling for alternate theoretical explanations, the finding suggests that while increases in the percent of women legislators
and cabinet ministers are positively associated with states' compliance with anti-human trafficking rules, the opposite is true regarding their male counterparts. However, increases in the percent of men legislators are positively associated with states' compliance only when women's parliamentary
caucuses are present in countries' legislative deliberations and when such deliberations are influenced by the women's movement.

AbstractThe theoretical literature presents conflicting expectations about the effects of trade openness on the ability of states to interdict drug trafficking. One view expects that trade openness will undermine drug interdiction; a second argues the opposite; a third argues that trade openness does not necessarily affect drug interdiction. This article assesses empirically the effects of trade openness on drug interdiction for countries in the Americas using a pooled time-series cross-sectional statistical model. It finds that trade openness decreases the interdiction capabilities of states in drug-consuming countries while increasing those of states in drug-producing countries. Greater openness to trade does not have a consistently significant effect on the interdiction capabilities of states in drug transit countries.