Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1 A review of changes to the structure of the child protection system of England and Wales since 1974 -- chapter 2 The contested nature of partnership working in welfare settings -- chapter 3 A review of the development, growth and status of managerialisni within the agencies comprising the child protection system -- chapter 4 The search for inconsistencies between partnership and NPM -- chapter 5 A consideration of the methods employed in the empirical research -- chapter 6 An introduction to the research setting, participating agencies and key factors -- chapter 7 Greentown ACPC at work: environmental context -- chapter 8 Greentown ACPC at work: comparative properties approach -- chapter 9 Greentown ACPC at work : the collaborative linkages -- chapter 10 Conclusions.

Illicit drugs and their use are now, more than ever, a dominant concern of politicians, policy makers and the general public. Often, our understandings of the 'drug problem' tend to be uni-dimensional and based around particular areas of risk: drug related crime, dependency and ill-health. This book moves beyond this single issue approach and locates illicit drug use in its wider context, with chapters on:the history of illicit drug use measuring the 'problem'legal and medical responses to illicit drug usethe illicit drugs marketdrugs, crime and trends in drug policy.Drawing information from w

The British relationship with alcohol has always been difficult: witness the succession of moral panics and legislation about alcohol consumption; The Alehouse Act 1552; The succession of Gin Acts and moral panic around gin drinking in Georgian London; the emergence of the Temperance movement in 1820; and the more recent concerns over 'binge-drinking' and 'pre-loading' to name but a few. At the heart of all these pieces of legislation has been the difficult question of how to control the consumption of a substance which is legal, pleasurable, socially sanctioned and relatively cheap. But what is meant by 'control' needs clarification as 'control' implies much and in the case of alcohol actually delivers very little: formal state 'alcohol control' is relatively good at controlling access but relatively powerless in the control of levels of consumption, as consumption tends to take place in private or semi-private spaces. Added to this, the commercial interests involved in the selling of alcohol have a conflicted interest in control, wishing to maximise sales whilst wishing to be seen to adhere to the will of the state. To that end, both the state and commercial interests have focussed on applying legislation around controlling access rather than attempting to control consumption meaning the control of alcohol consumption is often left in the hands of the consumer. Thus, control of access to alcohol is formal and regulated; control of consumption is informal and cultural. These different forms of control work well in isolation but often come into conflict when they meet: when those who have over-consumed seek access to more alcohol in semi-private spaces such as pubs or clubs or who use public spaces in an inappropriate manner. Using data from three studies which looked at the drinking habits of young people, this paper explores those areas of tensions between and across formal and informal control of alcohol use.

Abstract: Irresponsible and excessive consumption of alcohol and the associated problems it carries in its wake have become one of the key concerns for central government in terms of community safety, especially in the night‐time economy. In response to the Alcohol Harm Reduction Strategy for England (Department of Health 2007), the Department of Health (DoH) has announced a series of measures of which one is to pilot screening and intervention for alcohol use in a variety of locations, including criminal justice settings. This article reports on the findings of a project that pre‐empts the DoH initiatives, thus providing the opening comments in what will be sure to be a debate about a new strategic and evidence‐based approach to dealing with alcohol‐related crime and disorder. The article provides data and discussions on the Screening and Brief Intervention (SBI) project that screened 3,900 detainees in a busy custody suite in the south of England during the period March 2007 to March 2008.

Governments have a problem with the implementation of their policies in as much that most policy implementation is done by contracted agencies be they state agencies or private and third sector organizations. Arguably, the implementation problem has become more acute due to the growth of the mixed economy of service delivery. As a result, there are even more `problematic' and `off message' professionals each holding at least the potential to subvert central government's policies. This article seeks to explore these approaches to the professions by arguing that New Labour sees the exercising of professional discretion and autonomy as intransigence and, as a consequence, does not trust the professions to implement policy in the way it is conceived. Consequently, New Labour is seeking to colonize the professions and introduce organizational isomorphism by using audit and evaluation as tools to promote and ensure the `right' type of professional development takes place.

There can be little doubt that the long-term effects of the Crime and Disorder Act (1998) will occupy the minds of many academics and policy implementers for some time to come. Like many others, this article is influenced by this recent piece of legislation, and reflects on one element of the Act, namely the possible outcomes of Part IV, sections 61–64, the drug treatment and testing orders. Specifically, the article discusses the potential consequences of 'coerced treatment' for those charged with implementing the new scheme and the tensions between health and the criminal justice system such orders may bring.

This article outlines the findings of an evaluation of the Fast‐Track programme currently operating in Plymouth and Torbay. Fast‐Track is a coerced treatment scheme for offenders who are committing property crimes to fund a drug habit. Treatment for offenders revolves around a multi‐agency initiative between criminal justice agencies and the medical profession, which is aimed at breaking the link between crime and drug abuse. The research findings themselves present a picture of a successful programme that enjoys support from all those involved, including the client group. As well as looking at the research findings, the article offers some thoughts on the implications.

How the state 'deals with' crime and criminality is a major issue for all students of criminology and criminal justice. This book offers a fresh perspective on the policy making process in the criminal justice system of England and Wales by presenting a detailed overview of both the theory behind it and how it plays out in practise with contemporary policy examples. The key features of this text include a detailed analysis of the basic political concepts surrounding the relationship between the citizen and the state as well as an overview of the state departments, organizations and i.

Just over a decade ago Hudson (1987) noted that inter-agency working was 'in vogue'. Today is it a central feature of the work of all professionals, whatever sector they occupy. Indeed, recent government policy documents seem to promote closer ties between health and care agencies and those from the criminal justice system. However, despite joint working being part of the day-to-day activities of most professions it still presents a host of difficulties, often revolving around the standard operating procedures of sometimes-disparate organisations. In some instances, negotiation and compromise between and across agencies overcome difficulties. However, recent legislation, which mandates joint working between different sectors, aided by government departmental guidelines, seeks to ensure that welfare providers alter some long-standing approaches to working arrangements. This paper argues that health and care professionals should adopt a cautious approach to these moves and need to become more proactive in policy formation in order to establish boundaries and maintain their distinct professional identity.

Having been to all intents and purposes 'banished' from the criminal jus tice domain, welfarism made a return in the 1980s through the vehicle of crime prevention, and especially through its 1990s incarnation, com munity safety. This article charts the process of this return and questions the wisdom of welfarist objectives in social policy becoming associated with a new form of crime control. The dangers for welfarism lie in alternative agendas that entwine community safety with a bid for re legitimation, which ties it to the coat tails of a new urban policy and seeks to 'criminalize the discourses of social policy'.