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For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.

For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.

For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.

Podlasie, a historical and geographical region in north-eastern Poland, serves as both an external (interstate, European Union) and internal (ethnic, religious, linguistic, cultural) borderland. The primary aim of the article is to present historical and political conditions, national and cultural diversification of the Podlasie region, an analysis of current changes in ethnic and religious structure of the inhabitants as well as analysis of the consequences of changes of geopolitical circumstances in mutual relationships between different communities. Borderlands, especially those highly diverse in terms of nationality, religion, language and culture, are often identified with unstable, conflict-prone areas with past and present antagonism between nations sharing them. This belief has intensified over the last few decades when nationalisms, separatist tendencies and historical conflicts got sparked again in numerous regions of Central and Eastern Europe. However, not all European borderlands have to be stereotypically identified with areas of conflict, resentment and even hatred among the peoples inhabiting them. This is the case, among others, in Podlasie, where there are centuries-old traditions of cohabitation of diverse communities.

The article reviews the geographical research on the ethnic structure in Poland from the nineteenth century to the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century and cites the main research trends in ethnic studies among historians and sociologists. The author presents what he considers the most important research problems that have to be discussed in further studies on ethnic and ethno-regional minorities living in contemporary Poland. Varied research methods are discussed, along with their benefits and limitations. In his conclusions, the author presents the main conditions influencing the dynamic transformations of the ethnic structure in Poland, as well as the most important characteristics of the relationship between the Polish state and ethnic minorities.

24 cm ; The article reviews geographical research into the ethnic structure in Poland carried out between the nineteenth century and the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, on this basis identifying and citing the main research trends to ethnic studies engaged in by both historians and sociologists. The author presents what he considers the most important research topics to be addressed in further studies on the ethnic and ethno-regional minorities living in today's Poland. Varied research methods are discussed, along with their benefits and limitations, and the paper concludes with a presentation of the main conditions influencing dynamic transformations of the ethnic structure in Poland, as well as the most important characteristics of the relationship between the Polish state and ethnic minorities ; 24 cm ; The article reviews geographical research into the ethnic structure in Poland carried out between the nineteenth century and the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, on this basis identifying and citing the main research trends to ethnic studies engaged in by both historians and sociologists. The author presents what he considers the most important research topics to be addressed in further studies on the ethnic and ethno-regional minorities living in today's Poland. Varied research methods are discussed, along with their benefits and limitations, and the paper concludes with a presentation of the main conditions influencing dynamic transformations of the ethnic structure in Poland, as well as the most important characteristics of the relationship between the Polish state and ethnic minorities

The article reviews the geographical research on the ethnic structure in Poland from the nineteenth century to the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century and cites the main research trends in ethnic studies among historians and sociologists. The author presents what he considers the most important research problems that have to be discussed in further studies on ethnic and ethno-regional minorities living in contemporary Poland. Varied research methods are discussed, along with their benefits and limitations. In his conclusions, the author presents the main conditions influencing the dynamic transformations of the ethnic structure in Poland, as well as the most important characteristics of the relationship between the Polish state and ethnic minorities.

W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytania, na ile metody przeprowadzenia spisów powszechnych, sformułowania tzw. pytań etnicznych oraz bieżące uwarunkowania polityczne i społeczne mogą kształtować ich wyniki w odniesieniu do struktury narodowościowej. Omówiono spisy ludności przeprowadzone w Polsce w ciągu ostatnich 90 lat, zwracając szczególną uwagę na czynniki, które mogły spowodować wypaczenie ich rezultatów. Skupiono się nie tyle na kolejnym przedstawieniu – powszechnie znanych – wyników w ujęciu ilościowym i przestrzennym, ale na "mechanizmie" przeprowadzenia spisu w kontekście ówczesnych realiów politycznych i społecznych.

W artykule dokonano przeglądu badań geograficznych dotyczących struktury narodowościowej w Polsce, począwszy od XIX wieku do początku II dekady XXI wieku, odnosząc się także do zasadniczych nurtów badawczych problematyki narodowościowej wśród historyków i socjologów. Przedstawiono najistotniejsze zdaniem autora problemy badawcze, które należy podjąć w dalszych badaniach dotyczących mniejszości narodowych, etnicznych i etniczno-regionalnych zamieszkujących współczesną Polskę. Omówiono różnorodne metody badawcze wraz ze wskazaniem ich zalet oraz licznych ograniczeń. We wnioskach autor przedstawił główne, jego zdaniem, uwarunkowania wpływające na dynamiczne przekształcenia struktury narodowościowej w Polsce oraz zasadnicze cechy relacji państwo polskie – mniejszości narodowe.

When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legal-institutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. Additional complicating factor in bilateral relations between national minority and the home state is different political status of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and different processes of transformation the consequence of which is differentiated state of political relations of Poland with its eastern neighbours. Lithuania, like Poland, is a member of EU, Ukraine, outside the structures of European integration, pursued a variable foreign policy, depending on the ruling options and the economic situation, and Belarus, because of internal policy which is unacceptable in the EU countries, is located on the political periphery of Europe.

In the early 1990s, significant changes in the political and geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe occurred: the collapse of communist rule, the unification of Germany, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. The creation, over a short time, of a number of independent nation-states in the immediate vicinity of Poland had a vast influence on individual national minorities, especially those living near the borders. There were huge changes to the political and economic relations between democratic Poland and its newly independent neighbours and, to a large extent, between individual nations, now divided by borders. The process of expanding the area of European integration began, which led, after a dozen or so years, to the inclusion of some Central and Eastern European countries in the NATO and EU structures, while leaving some of those countries outside the zone of political, economic and military integration, thus creating new division lines in the new political and legal reality. One consequence of the contemporary processes of political, economic and military integration of the European continent is the strengthening of its division into the Western Europe (in its widest meaning) and the Eastern Europe (not included in the integration process). At the Polish border with Belarus and Ukraine, the line of the modern division, strengthened in the literal (technical measures to protect the borders) and legal sense (visa regulations) overlaps with the civilisation, cultural and religious division line that has been shaped over the ages. Despite the claims from the government in Warsaw of "Polish eastern policy", we can see a clear turn towards "western policy". In political, military and economic sense, Poland is clearly facing west, which results in turning away from its eastern neighbours, which is particularly disadvantageous for political and geopolitical reasons. Despite spectacular attempts by various governments to revive the cooperation, especially with Ukraine and Lithuania, Poland does not currently have any arguments, especially economic or financial ones, to conduct an effective, pragmatic eastern policy, and not a policy based on historical sentiments. When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legalinstitutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. ; Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie roli mniejszości narodowych w relacjach międzypaństwowych. Szczególnego wymiaru nabiera ona w przypadku sąsiadujących ze sobą państw, których skomplikowana historia doprowadziła do powstania skupisk poszczególnych narodowości w regionach przygranicznych. Zachodząca od początku lat 90. XX w. na obszarze środkowej Europy transformacja ustrojowa, przeobraziła relacje polityczne i ekonomiczne pomiędzy poszczególnymi państwami tego regionu, które dodatkowo komplikuje zróżnicowany stopień zaawansowania procesów integracji wschodnich sąsiadów Polski. Zmianie uległa także sytuacja, zwłaszcza polityczno-prawna, mniejszości narodowych, które – odmiennie niż w okresie komunistycznym – stały się istotnym elementem, niejednokrotnie konfliktogennym, wzajemnych relacji międzypaństwowych. ; Badania terenowe, których wyniki wykorzystano w artykule, zostały sfinansowane ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki przyznanych na podstawie decyzji numer DEC 2011/01/B/HS4/02609.

The political, legal and social transformations which have taken place over the last 20 years brought about both positive and negative consequences for the situation of non-Polish nationalities. Positive consequences:  The end of discrimination policy towards national minorities  Changing the state's 'supervision' into 'care'  Political subjectivization of national and ethnic minorities  Introducing a number of legal regulations which allowed all the nationalities living in Poland latitude in national, political, social and cultural functioning  A very dynamic development of organizational activity  Development of national and ethnic minorities education  Revival of various kinds of nationality statistics  Passing the Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and the Regional Languages by the Sejm after many years of disputes Negative consequences:  A significantly improved political and legal situation of members of national and ethnic minorities after 1990 did not slow down the process of shrinking of 'traditional' (historical) minority communities in Poland  Assimilation of national and ethnic minorities is still progressing, which is proved by their continuous shrinking (the results of the national census, decrease in the number of members of minority organizations, decrease in support for electoral list of candidates of national minorities, decrease in the number of students learning minority languages)  Fewer members of a particular minority leads to the decrease in their political and social significance  Establishing numerous, often competing organizations within one minority often results in arguments and conflicts  New local divisions and animosity due to bilingual names of towns and villages  Frequent lack of reciprocity concerning legal regulations on national minorities in Poland and the Polish minority in the neighboring countries, Lithuania and Germany in particular The Polish law forbids discrimination and protects all the nationalities living in the Republic of Poland. Yet, as a result of passing the Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and the Regional Languages (in 2005), 14 minority communities are particularly privileged from the legal perspective. These are: Byelorussians, Czechs, Lithuanians, Germans, Ormians, Russians, Slovaks, Ukrainians, Jews, Karaims, Lemkos, Roma, Tatars, Kashubians. Despite similar rights and privileges25 for all the 14 communities mentioned in the act, the relevant communities differ with respect to how they take advantage of them. The recent years have shown that the German, Kashubian and Lithuanian communities can, or want to, make best use of the privileges guaranteed by the Polish law.

During several years the Polish-Ukrainian border was the barrier which strictly separated Polish and Ukrainian nation, as well as the area of the borderland. The situation changed for better after the fall of the communism. The Polish-Ukrainian borderland has visibly livened up, not only in econo-mically but also culturally. The border started to unite both sides of border-land. The numerous transborder contacts between Poles and Ukrainians, both on regional and local level led to establishment of the community which has the permanent contact with Polish and Ukrainian population, culture and language. After the accession of Poland to the Schengen area these contacts were inhibited by new regulations. In 2008 the authorities of both states signed the agreement on the local border traffic. Hopefully this agreement will soon come into force and allow to recover the former level of transborder contacts but also will soften the negative effects the external EU border exerts on the borderland.In national respect the Polish-Ukrainian borderland underwent a sub-stantial change during last several years. For hundreds of years it was a typical borderland, that is borderland between communities related in terms of linguistic and ethnic aspects, with very large territorial extent where cultural elements of both nations interpenetrated. However as a consequence of armed conflicts, political transformations, resettlements of population and the division of the borderland by the interstate border, the traditional character of this borderland was destroyed. Nevertheless, it is still an area inhabited by national minorities living here for ages, linguistically and culturally related. Small in number, territorially dispersed, they constitute a marginal part of the borderland population dominated by the "state nation". It has implications for the character of the borderland which nowadays is political rather than national borderland. In all respects – ethnic, religious, cultural, political, economic – the present borderland is divided in two clearly separated parts: Polish and Ukrainian, remaining under the predominant influence of two political, economic and cultural centres.

The national and religious borderland in Podlasie is a zone with many transitory areas where different national, religious, linguistic and cultural groups overlap. There are hardly any clear dividing lines separating particular national and religious groups. In Podlasie various communities, in many cases closely related to each other, coexist side by side. The research has confirmed that the national and religious spatial diversification of Podlasie population with two totally different parts: western and eastern, remained basically unchanged for centuries. A new tendency, increasingly noticeable especially after WW II, is national borderland shifting eastward faster than the religious one, which results in growing unconformity of the two borderlands. It is explicable in terms of progressing Polonization (in some cases leading to acculturation) of many Orthodox, who, however, preserve their faith. In consequence these days a large part of Polish population in Podlasie declares Orthodox religion. It follows that the predominantly Polish area is more extensive than the area of Catholic domination, which causes divergences between national and religious borderland.Although the two borderlands are not in line, the analysed part of Podlasie region is evidently divided, both ethnically and religiously, into two parts: the western part dominated by Polish Catholic population and the eastern part dominated by adherents of the Orthodox Church more diversified as to their nationality. The central part is predominantly inhabited by Polish Orthodox population, while in the north-eastern part none of the groups has absolute domination but the communities of 'tutejsi' and Belorussians are most numerous