Suchergebnisse

This article is devoted to the changes of the party system of Germany. In recent years, the transformation of the party system has caused several political crises. Party spectrum is pluralized and polarized in Germany. Regional differences also increase. In this situation, the German parties are in search of new dynamics. The consequence of this is that all the main parties are now factional. The system that existed in Germany for more than half a century, with the dominance of two political forces (CDU/CSU and SPD), gradually evolved into the "one and a half" party system (only CDU/CSU dominates). The question is whether evolution will continue towards simple multi-party system, or the "one and a half" party system will remain. With a significant degree of certainty, one can say that a return to a "two and a half" party system is impossible. Changes in the party-political system lead to an increase in the diversity of the composition of the coalitions ruling in Germany. German political parties should learn how to create coalitions of three political forces, also at the federal level. The main trend of the coming years for CDU, CSU and SPD will be an attempt to return to their traditional platforms. However, a full return is impossible. More frequent red-red-green coalitions can be expected, including the federal level. But, nevertheless, serious changes in the German party system did not lead to its chronic incapacity – the system adapted to them.

This article is devoted to the study of the position of the Visegrad countries (Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia) on the further development of European integration. Particular attention is paid to such important EU projects as the Defense Union, the Energy Union and the European Green Deal. The article also analyzes the stand of the Visegrad states on migration issues, institutional problems of European integration, energy security. Prestige and status remain important factors for the foreign and European policy of the Visegrad countries. For this reason, the latter are supporters of an intergovernmental and confederal approach to European integration, preservation of national competencies. In the vision of the further development of European integration, the positions of the mainstream and V4 have come closer. The Visegrad states do not want to leave the EU and are not ready to go to a tough confrontation with Brussels. The V4 countries that are not part of the Eurozone are planning to join it. They also support the main and most ambitious projects of European integration mentioned above, although they have their own special priorities in these projects. Visegrad is a sub-region with its own characteristics in the perception of European integration. These characteristics consist in conservatism, pragmatism, agrarianism, an anti-migrant mood. In this, some neighboring countries are similar to the Visegrad Four – Austria, Slovenia, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia. This circumstance suggests that in the future it will be possible to speak about the informal group "V4+".

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany's motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called "Europeanisation" of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.

This paper offers the analysis on Russia in the settings of German political parties. The author focuses on reactions of German political parties to the last trends in Russian social and political development. Parties' influence on the creation of German policy towards Russia, and relations between the parties and interest groups (economic actors and human rights activists, which determine the policy towards Russia) are thoroughly examined in the article.

This paper offers the analysis of German Policy towards the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and creating of the European Missile Defence System. Special attention is given to a dislocation of the US Tactical Nuclear Weapon (TNW) in Germany, its policy towards nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea, the evolution of German stand on the European Missile Defence project.

Energy cooperation between Russia and Germany is a pragmatic basis of the Russian-German relations and also the key factor for Russia-EU relations. The author makes an attempt to consider German national interests in energy sphere and actual tendencies of energy cooperation in Europe. Energy is inseparably linked with ecology. The interaction of Russia and Germany in environmental sphere is also covered.