India and China: A Managed Nuclear Rivalry?
In: The Washington quarterly, Volume 42, Issue 3, p. 151-170
ISSN: 1530-9177
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In: The Washington quarterly, Volume 42, Issue 3, p. 151-170
ISSN: 1530-9177
In: Strategic analysis: a monthly journal of the IDSA, Volume 43, Issue 3, p. 187-198
ISSN: 1754-0054
In: International affairs, Volume 95, Issue 3, p. 744-745
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Asian security, Volume 14, Issue 2, p. 100-105
ISSN: 1555-2764
In: International affairs, Volume 93, Issue 1, p. 7-26
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs, Volume 93, Issue 1, p. 7-26
ISSN: 1468-2346
THE current drive for nuclear disarmament requires a graduated series of steps combining commitments of intent with hard reductions in the types and numbers of weapons possessed by nuclear-armed states. Even though little has been discussed in the public realm in the US about the nature of low-level deterrence, there is already considerable opposition to deep cuts. Some analysts have warned that any reductions below 1,700 warheads will leave the Russians with an opportunity to exercise their "immense advantage" in conventional weapons. Some have urged the US government to retain a posture of "calculated ambiguity" that would leave open the possibility of nuclear use, while others have argued for a shift to "minimum deterrence" as a precursor to disarmament, contending that both deep cuts and "no first use" (NFU) are viable. This debate between the conservatives and the minimizers is critical to the future prospects of disarmament. Yet little has been done to examine the intellectual foundations of the opposing perspectives.
BASE
THE current drive for nuclear disarmament requires a graduated series of steps combining commitments of intent with hard reductions in the types and numbers of weapons possessed by nuclear-armed states. Even though little has been discussed in the public realm in the US about the nature of low-level deterrence, there is already considerable opposition to deep cuts. Some analysts have warned that any reductions below 1,700 warheads will leave the Russians with an opportunity to exercise their "immense advantage" in conventional weapons. Some have urged the US government to retain a posture of "calculated ambiguity" that would leave open the possibility of nuclear use, while others have argued for a shift to "minimum deterrence" as a precursor to disarmament, contending that both deep cuts and "no first use" (NFU) are viable. This debate between the conservatives and the minimizers is critical to the future prospects of disarmament. Yet little has been done to examine the intellectual foundations of the opposing perspectives.
BASE
In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Volume 1, Issue 1, p. 5-13
ISSN: 1559-2960
In: Pacific affairs, Volume 87, Issue 3, p. 625-626
ISSN: 0030-851X
In: Pacific affairs, Volume 87, Issue 3, p. 625-627
ISSN: 0030-851X
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Volume 67, Issue 2, p. 176-189
ISSN: 1465-332X
In: Australian journal of international affairs: journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, Volume 67, Issue 2, p. 176-189
ISSN: 1035-7718
World Affairs Online
In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Volume 156, Issue 5, p. 38-43
ISSN: 1744-0378