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Benhabib argues that the tension between universal human rights and democratic self-determination cannot be resolved. Distinguishing between the principle of rights, on the one hand, and context-specific `schedules of rights', on the other hand, helps, however, to specify the scope of both norms. I show that applying this idea to questions of citizenship requires further elaboration in three respects: (1) Benhabib's argument for porous rather than open borders, which does not fully address the challenge of global distributive justice; (2) norms for access to citizenship, which need to cover also transnational affiliations between sending states and their external populations; and (3) necessary constraints on democratic self-determination. I suggest replacing the principle of self-determination with a principle of self-government that does not include a unilateral right to determine the territorial or membership boundaries of the polity. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2007.]

In countries open for emigration & immigration, large numbers of citizens live outside the state territory & large numbers of non-citizens reside permanently in this territory. In many democracies, both groups will be excluded from democratic participation & representation. Yet more & more states revise their conceptions of citizenship to grant voting rights & political participation to non-citizen residents or non-resident citizens. This poses a considerable challenge to democratic theory. Under certain conceptions only one of these groups, but not the other has a claim to inclusion. Starting from a comparative examination of political participation rights, my contribution will discuss some arguments for & against expanding political citizenship beyond territory & formal nationality. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the phenomenon of extending electoral rights to expatriate citizens & to noncitizen residents. Why governments expand voting rights in this way is considered, finding a mixed bag of reasons. A nonterritorial conception of nationhood, often rooted in ethnic nationalism, is seen as a prime reason. Voting rights for noncitizen residents is less widespread but found in various forms around the world, & reasons for introducing this form of franchise are also mixed. Four contrasting ideal-typical positions for or against electoral rights beyond territory & citizenship are outlined & rejected, & an alternative principle, stakeholder citizenship, is proposed. 16 References. J. Zendejas

The relation between migration & domestic security is complex but in constant danger of being politically simplified. The general assumption spread by media reports & political speeches is that uncontrolled immigration endangers security directly by facilitating transborder criminal activity or indirectly by creating general conditions within society that diminish the state's capacity to maintain public order or to produce societal security in a more comprehensive sense. The contribution argues that an adequate analysis needs to modify this prima facie plausible account. First, there are important trade-offs between enhancing security & freedom of movement because the latter creates important benefits & has in a liberal perspective also intrinsic value. Second, migration control may itself endanger security by illegalizing human actions that cannot be de facto prevented & by creating a market for human trafficking. Third, closing borders for ongoing immigration flows may paradoxically increase inflows in the short run & prevent return migration in the long run. The essay examines further how migration affects the state's capacity to produce four public goods that are often included in a comprehensive conception of societal security: demographic sustainability, cultural homogeneity, democratic self-determination, & social security. Among these, redistributive welfare policies provide the strongest argument for immigration control, but cannot fully justify present priorities, levels, & means. A final aspect of the relation between migration & security is, however, the securitization of migration policy discourses that generally trumps other arguments & creates widespread support for counterproductive & normatively indefensible policies. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.