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While researchers broadly agree that a credible EU membership perspective is vital for effective rule transfer to candidate countries, scholarship has so far conceived of membership credibility in formal and dichotomous terms. This is emblematic in the empirical focus on accession stages or types of EU incentives. As a result, the literature has not taken seriously the role of political signals shaping credibility perceptions. This article develops and systematically tests a novel argument: the credibility of the EU's membership hinges on whether a given country believes in the EU's ability to deliver on its promise. As such, I opt for conceiving of membership credibility as a perceptive issue. Specifically, it is argued that credibility perceptions are influenced by official EU announcements as they are by political signals from the big three (France, the UK and Germany). The argument finds empirical corroboration in a pooled regression analysis based on an original dataset of rule transfer from the acquis communautaire comprising 16 candidate countries from 1998 to 2009. While future research should assess the veracity of the hypothesis across countries and time, at the very minimum, the findings suggest to take the issue of conflicting political signals more seriously when gauging the EU's membership credibility.

Between 2009 and 2010, five Western Balkan countries were granted Schengen visa exemptions by the EU for the short travel of their citizens to the Schengen area in return for signing readmission agreements. Turkey, in contrast, was only offered a vague promise for the initiation of a visa liberalisation "dialogue" in return for initialling the readmission agreement. Taking this development as a genuine research puzzle the present article asks: What are the domestic dynamics that have driven this differential outcome? This article argues that the EU's ongoing restrictive visa regime towards Turkey stems from the issue's securitisation in certain member states (Germany, Austria and the Netherlands). Security-framing practices thereby occurred in both the political (elite-level discourse) and bureaucratic arena (visa-issuing process) as part of the same security dispositif. Two crucial implications follow from the findings: on the one hand, European visa authorities seem to follow their own visa-issuing policies despite regulations put in force at the EU level (Visa Codex). On the other hand, the purported theoretical divide between the Copenhagen and Paris School's approaches to securitisation seems empirically rather disadvantageous. Treating these theoretical lenses as distinct may lead researchers to miss out on interrelated securitisation practices.

Ausgehend von der Tatsache, dass für Studierende der Erwerb von interkulturellen Kompetenzen oder Karriereüberlegungen wichtige Gründe für ein Auslandsstudium ohne vorhergehende Migrationserfahrung darstellen, geht der Verfasser der Frage nach, ob bei deutsch-türkischen Studierenden nicht auch andere Faktoren für die Entscheidung, in die Türkei zu gehen, eine Rolle spielen. Anhand von sieben qualitativen Interviews arbeitet er die Ziele, Identitätsaspekte und Zukunftspläne seiner Untersuchungsgruppe heraus. Der Verfasser zeigt, dass sich diese in vielen Punkten von Studierenden ohne familiären Migrationshintergrund unterscheidet. (ICE2)

Ausgehend von der Tatsache, dass für Studierende der Erwerb von interkulturellen Kompetenzen oder Karriereüberlegungen wichtige Gründe für ein Auslandsstudium ohne vorhergehende Migrationserfahrung darstellen, geht der Verfasser der Frage nach, ob bei deutsch-türkischen Studierenden nicht auch andere Faktoren für die Entscheidung, in die Türkei zu gehen, eine Rolle spielen. Anhand von sieben qualitativen Interviews arbeitet er die Ziele, Identitätsaspekte und Zukunftspläne seiner Untersuchungsgruppe heraus. Der Verfasser zeigt, dass sich diese in vielen Punkten von Studierenden ohne familiären Migrationshintergrund unterscheidet. (ICE2).

This article examines modalities of rule adoption from the EU's acquis communautaire under conditions of membership uncertainty. Drawing upon the case of Turkey, we probe into the viability of a policy-type approach (drawing upon Theodor Lowi). Our main contention is that the substantive design of policies (distributive or redistributive qualities) has consequential implications for the form (conflict-free vs. veto player constellations) and outcome (transposition likelihood) of the subsequent political process. The proposed policy-type approach, internalist in its outlook, is thus readily compatible with available Europeanization models which are externalist insofar as being premised on the study of domestic politics. In terms of policymaking, the EU needs to make more frequent use of policy-based intermediate rewards to encourage rule adoption where membership prospects are uncertain. ; Bu makale yasa uyum modelitelerini AB'nin topluluk müktesebatına üyelik belirsizliği koşulları çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Türkiye örneğinden yola çıkarak, politik kategori yaklaşımının uygulanabilirliğini derinlemesine araştırmakta olup, bu makalede ileri sürdüğümüz fikir politikaların substantif bazlı dizaynının (dağılımsal ve tekrar dağılımsal özelliklerine göre) birbirini izleyen siyasi süreçlerin formasyonu (barışçıl – veto aktörleri kümeleri gibi) ve sonuçları (yasaların aktarma olasılığı) üzerinde önemli sonuçlara sahip olduğudur. Önerilen politik kategori yaklaşımı, içsel bir perspektif olduğundan, şimdiye kadar Avrupalılaşma çalışmalarına dışsal yaklaşım gösteren modellerle birlikte (iç politika) uyumlu olmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, AB yasalarının uyulmasını teşvik etmek için politika bazlı aracı ödüllerin kullanımına daha fazla ihtiyaç duyulduğu sonucuna varılmıştır.

This article examines modalities of rule adoption from the EU's acquis communautaire under conditions of membership uncertainty Drawing upon the case of Turkey we probe into the viability of a policy-type approach (drawing upon Theodor Lowi). Our main contention is that the substantive design of policies (distributive or redistributive qualities) has consequential implications for the form (conflict-free vs. veto player constellations) and outcome (transposition likelihood) of the subsequent political process. The proposed policy-type approach internalist in its outlook is thus readily compatible with available Europeanization models which are externalist insofar as being premised on the study of domestic politics. In terms of policymaking the EU needs to make more frequent use of policy-based intermediate rewards to encourage rule adoption where membership prospects are uncertain.