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ABSTRACTRecent research in American politics demonstrates that despite gender-based partisan sorting, gender gaps in policy preferences persist within political parties—particularly among Republicans. Republican women report significantly more moderate views than their male counterparts across a range of policy areas. These gaps are largely attributable to gender differences in beliefs about the appropriate scope of government and attitudes toward gender-based inequality. Arguably, gender has become a more salient feature of American elections in recent years, and this heightened salience raises questions about whether these within-party gender gaps are stable over time or vary across campaign contexts. We use survey data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Study to evaluate whether gender gaps in policy preferences are stable across elections or if the 2016 election context affected the magnitude of gender differences in policy preferences. We find that gender gaps in policy preferences within political parties are fairly stable across the two electoral periods.

Legislatures worldwide are dominated by wealthy elites, who are often out of touch with the needs and problems of citizens. Research shows that the underrepresentation of the working class matters in terms of policy processes and outcomes. Yet the research on class has largely focused on blue‐collar representatives, who are primarily men. Working‐class women are more likely to hold pink‐collar jobs, or low‐status occupations dominated by women. We argue that pink‐collar legislators are uniquely positioned to legislate over education and social service policy. To test our argument, we combine a new coding of working‐class backgrounds that accounts for pink‐collar representation with state spending data on education and social services from US states over time. Modeling compositional budget data, we find that class and gender intersect to shape policy outcomes via state budget allocations, with women's pink‐collar representation associated with increased spending on both education and social services.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Introduction -- Part One : Canadian Perspectives on Women in Politics -- 1 Women's Representation in Canadian Federal Cabinets, 1980–2019 -- 2 Do Women Get Fewer Votes in Ontario Provincial Elections? -- 3 News and Political Legitimacy: Gendered Mediation of Canadian Political Leaders -- 4 Adversarial Politics: Understanding the Colonial Context of Indigenous Women's Political Participation in Canada -- Part Two : Comparative Perspectives on Women in Politics -- 5 Missing the Wave? Women Congressional Candidates Who Lost in the 2018 Election -- 6 Black Women's Hair Matters: The Uneasy Marriage of Electoral Politics and (Dis)Respectability Politics -- 7 Women in the Plenary: Verbal Participation in the Argentine Congress -- 8 Women as Party Leaders -- 9 A Question of Ethics? Addressing Sexual Harassment in the Legislatures of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada -- Part Three : Responses to Women's Electoral Under-Representation -- 10 Gender Quotas and Beyond: Policy Solutions to Women's Under-Representation in Politics -- 11 Effects of Quotas, Reserved Seats, and Electoral Rules on Women Parliamentarians in Asia -- 12 Changing Minds: Canadian Perspectives on Gender Quotas and Diversity -- 13 Gender Quotas and Women's Political Representation: Lessons for Canada -- Part Four : New Research Directions -- 14 Making the Case for Women's Representation: What, Who, and Why -- 15 Women in Parliament: From Presence to Impact -- 16 Too Feminine to Be a Leader? Systematic Implicit Biases against Women Politicians -- 17 Women in Politics: Beyond the Heterosexual Fantasy -- 18 New Backlash? New Barriers? Assessing Women's Contemporary Public Engagement -- References -- Contributors