Does Race-Baiting Split Latino and White Americans? Racial Political Speech, Political Trust and the Importance of White Identity
In: Political behavior, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 805-829
ISSN: 1573-6687
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In: Political behavior, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 805-829
ISSN: 1573-6687
In: Bech , E C , Borevi , K & Mouritsen , P 2017 , ' A 'civic turn' in Scandinavian family migration policies? Comparing Denmark, Norway and Sweden ' , Comparative Migration Studies , vol. 5 , no. 1 , 7 . https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-016-0046-7
Family migration policy, once basing citizens and resident foreigners' possibilities to bring in foreign family members mainly on the right to family life, is increasingly a tool states use to limit immigration and to push newcomers to integrate into civic and economic life. The family migration policies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden range widely – from more minimal support and age requirements to high expectations of language skills, work records and even income levels. While in Denmark and increasingly in Norway growing sets of requirements have been justified on the need to protect the welfare state and a Nordic liberal way of life, in Sweden more minimal requirements have been introduced in the name of spurring immigrants' labor market integration even as rights-based reasoning has continued to dominate. In all three countries, new restrictions have been introduced in the wake of the refugee crisis. These cases show how prioritizations of the right to family life vis-à-vis welfare-state sustainability have produced different rules for family entry, and how family migration policies are used to different extents to push civic integration of both new and already settled immigrants. ; Family migration policy, once basing citizens and resident foreigners' possibilities to bring in foreign family members mainly on the right to family life, is increasingly a tool states use to limit immigration and to push newcomers to integrate into civic and economic life. The family migration policies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden range widely – from more minimal support and age requirements to high expectations of language skills, work records and even income levels. While in Denmark and increasingly in Norway growing sets of requirements have been justified on the need to protect the welfare state and a Nordic liberal way of life, in Sweden more minimal requirements have been introduced in the name of spurring immigrants' labor market integration even as rights-based reasoning has continued to dominate. In all three countries, new restrictions have been introduced in the wake of the refugee crisis. These cases show how prioritizations of the right to family life vis-à-vis welfare-state sustainability have produced different rules for family entry, and how family migration policies are used to different extents to push civic integration of both new and already settled immigrants.
BASE
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 47, Heft 5, S. 1047-1065
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Politica, Band 49, Heft 3
ISSN: 2246-042X
Denmark has some of the most restrictive citizenship rules in Europe, with requirements for long residence, language, knowledge, self-support and crime. Citizenship implies voting rights and the right to stand for election in national elections. As such it determines full democratic inclusion. Today, approximately 376,000 adult residents lack Danish citizenship. Using public registry data we investigate whether refugees who arrived as adults in 2001-09 have been able to fulfil the language, self-support and criminal record requirements. We investigate which requirements are most exclusionary, and what difference it makes if they were made less demanding. We further examine how many residents with Danish citizenship are able to meet these requirements. On this basis, we discuss their implications for Danish democracy, and whether they are consistent with normative conceptions of fairness.
In: Politica, Band 49, Heft 3
ISSN: 2246-042X
Danmark har nogle af de mest restriktive statsborgerskabsregler i Europa med krav om blandt andet langt ophold, sprog, viden, selvforsørgelse og kriminalitet. Statsborgerskab giver stemme- og opstillingsret til nationale valg og er dermed forudsætningen for fuld demokratisk inklusion. I dag står godt 376.000 voksne indbyggere uden statsborgerskab. På baggrund af registerdata undersøger vi, hvorvidt flygtninge, som indvandrede som voksne mellem 2001 og 2009, har kunnet opfylde kravene til sprog, selvforsørgelse og kriminalitet. Vi undersøger, hvilke krav der er mest ekskluderende, og hvor stor en forskel det ville gøre, hvis kravene lempedes. Herudover undersøges, hvor mange danske statsborgere med dansk oprindelse faktisk kan leve op til de gældende krav. Med det som udgangspunkt diskuterer vi kravenes implikationer for det danske demokrati, og hvorvidt det svarer til normative forestillinger om fairness.
Denmark has some of the most restrictive citizenship rules in Europe, with requirements for long residence, language, knowledge, self-support and crime. Citizenship implies voting rights and the right to stand for election in national elections. As such it determines full democratic inclusion. Today, approximately 376,000 adult residents lack Danish citizenship. Using public registry data we investigate whether refugees who arrived as adults in 2001-09 have been able to fulfil the language, self-support and criminal record requirements. We investigate which requirements are most exclusionary, and what difference it makes if they were made less demanding. We further examine how many residents with Danish citizenship are able to meet these requirements. On this basis, we discuss their implications for Danish democracy, and whether they are consistent with normative conceptions of fairness.
BASE
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 46, Heft 13, S. 2625-2646
ISSN: 1469-9451