Suchergebnisse

"In den vergangenen Jahrzehnten hat ein Wandel stattgefunden vom Ausdruck offener sexistischer Einstellungen zu mehr subtilen und versteckten Formen der Diskriminierung. Da diese schwerer zu erkennen sind, wird das Konfrontieren sexistischer Handlungen zu einer Herausforderung." (Autorenreferat)

The established models predicting collective action have been developed based on liberal ideas of injustice perceptions showing that progressive collective action occurs when people perceive that the equality or need rule of fairness are violated. We argue, however, that these perceptions of injustice cannot explain the occurrence of social protests among Conservatives. The present work addresses one shortcoming in collective action research by exploring the interactive role of political ideology and injustice appraisals in predicting social protest. Specifically, we focused on injustice appraisals as a key predictor of collective action and tested whether the same or different conceptualizations of injustice instigate protest among Liberals versus Conservatives using data from two studies conducted in Germany (Study 1, N = 130) and in the US (Study 2, N = 115). Our findings indicate that injustice appraisals play an equally important role in instigating social protest both among Liberals and Conservatives. As we show, however, predicting collective action among individuals across the political spectrum requires accounting for ideological preferences for different fairness rules. Whereas Liberals are more likely to engage in protest when the equality and need rules are violated, Conservatives are more likely to protest when the merit rule is violated. We recommend that studies on collective action consider not only the strength of injustice appraisals but also their content, to assess which fairness principles guide one's perceptions of (in)justice.

The established models predicting collective action have been developed based on liberal ideas of injustice perceptions showing that progressive collective action occurs when people perceive that the equality or need rule of fairness are violated. We argue, however, that these perceptions of injustice cannot explain the occurrence of social protests among Conservatives. The present work addresses one shortcoming in collective action research by exploring the interactive role of political ideology and injustice appraisals in predicting social protest. Specifically, we focused on injustice appraisals as a key predictor of collective action and tested whether the same or different conceptualizations of injustice instigate protest among Liberals versus Conservatives using data from two studies conducted in Germany (Study 1, N = 130) and in the US (Study 2, N = 115). Our findings indicate that injustice appraisals play an equally important role in instigating social protest both among Liberals and Conservatives. As we show, however, predicting collective action among individuals across the political spectrum requires accounting for ideological preferences for different fairness rules. Whereas Liberals are more likely to engage in protest when the equality and need rules are violated, Conservatives are more likely to protest when the merit rule is violated. We recommend that studies on collective action consider not only the strength of injustice appraisals but also their content, to assess which fairness principles guide one's perceptions of (in)justice. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

In two experiments, the present research identifies basic mechanisms for reducing endorsement of benevolent and modern sexist beliefs. Responses to attitudinal measures and a collective action measure on policy beliefs in Study 1 (N = 164) as well as to dating profiles in Study 1 and Study 2 (N = 159) support the hypothesis that endorsement of benevolent sexist beliefs can be reduced by providing information about its harmful consequences. Moreover, women and men become more aware of the full scope of gender discrimination and reduce their endorsement of modern sexist beliefs when they are provided with information about the harmful nature and pervasiveness of benevolent sexism. Theoretical implications regarding the linkage between benevolent and modern sexist beliefs and practical implications for reducing sexism are discussed.

Abstract. Two studies examined the effects of exposure to positive gender stereotypes on performance in counter-stereotypical domains and pursuit of agentic and communal goals. Exposure to stereotypes about women's communality (Study 1, N = 108) led to impaired math performance among women, regardless of their math identification. Exposure to stereotypes about men's agency (Study 2, N = 129) led to impaired performance in a test of socio-emotional ability among men high in domain identification. Moreover, among women with high math identification, exposure to the communality stereotype increased the pursuit of agentic goals. Among men, exposure to the agency stereotype tended to decrease the pursuit of communal goals. These results are consistent with accumulating evidence for the "dark side" of positive stereotypes, yet, for women, they also point to active attempts to counteract them.

Why do societal crises often lead to intergroup conflict? We propose that the interplay of unspecific threat and causal attributions differentially predicts increases in ethnic prejudice and anti-Semitism. We tested this hypothesis in the context of the 2008 financial crisis. The results of Study 1 ( N = 890) demonstrated on the basis of representative survey data that threat elicited by the financial crisis was related with ethnic prejudice once the cause was attributed to immigrants, whereas it was related with anti-Semitism once the cause of the crisis was attributed to bankers and speculators. In Study 2 ( N = 157), we experimentally manipulated threat and type of causal attributions and replicated the results of Study 1. Moreover, we found that regardless of the threat manipulation, participants did not respond with increased prejudice against out-groups if a system-level explanation for the crisis, namely the economic system, was salient.

Abstract: To reduce the spread of COVID-19, adherence to protective measures was crucial around the world. While most complied with these measures, a vocal minority protested against them. Early reports emphasized the unusual heterogeneity of these protests: Hippies and esoterics marched alongside conspiracy theorists and neo-Nazis. We examined what these protestors might (and might not) have in common. A large study with antilockdown protestors in Germany ( N = 1,700) revealed four subgroups: centrists, politically undifferentiated, left-wingers, and right-wingers. Beyond that, these subgroups demonstrated striking similarities: All endorsed conspiracy beliefs, misinformation, esotericism, and vaccine hesitancy to a similar extent. These beliefs share that they are scientifically unfounded and epistemically unwarranted. They may unite individuals from diverse political backgrounds in the antilockdown protests.

Mobilizing public support is key to a movement's success. Little is known, however, about how movements can achieve this goal and whether involving advantaged group members is beneficial for a movement's cause. In a set of five experiments with convenience samples collected in the United States and Germany (total N = 1,625), we examined whether protests (e.g., against racism and sexism) with and without advantaged group members affect politicized identification among observers. We expected that the presence (vs. absence) of advantaged group members at a protest will increase politicized identification among advantaged group observers, which was confirmed in Studies 1A–1C. In contrast, we expected that the disadvantaged group observers will increase or decrease their politicized identification depending on the role advantaged group members have at a protest (i.e., supportive vs. leadership role). Studies 2A–2B revealed that when advantaged group members had a supportive role, disadvantaged and advantaged group observers increased their politicized identification, but this effect was absent when they had a leadership role. Moreover, including advantaged group members in a protest increased the belief that solidarity is a normative behavior and the expectations that a protest will be peaceful among observers. Implications for research on allyship are discussed.

Mobilizing public support is key to a movement's success. Little is known, however, about how movements can achieve this goal and whether involving advantaged group members is beneficial for a movement's cause. In a set of five experiments with convenience samples collected in the United States and Germany (total N = 1,625), we examined whether protests (e.g., against racism and sexism) with and without advantaged group members affect politicized identification among observers. We expected that the presence (vs. absence) of advantaged group members at a protest will increase politicized identification among advantaged group observers, which was confirmed in Studies 1A–1C. In contrast, we expected that the disadvantaged group observers will increase or decrease their politicized identification depending on the role advantaged group members have at a protest (i.e., supportive vs. leadership role). Studies 2A–2B revealed that when advantaged group members had a supportive role, disadvantaged and advantaged group observers increased their politicized identification, but this effect was absent when they had a leadership role. Moreover, including advantaged group members in a protest increased the belief that solidarity is a normative behavior and the expectations that a protest will be peaceful among observers. Implications for research on allyship are discussed.

The support of professional interpreters is an essential component of adequate mental health care for migrants with limited language proficiency. Nevertheless, for varied reasons, only a small proportion of outpatient psychotherapists provide interpreter-mediated psychotherapy for migrants. This study explored the perspectives of psychotherapists who have not worked with professional interpreters in outpatient mental health care to identify factors that may prevent the use of interpreters in outpatient care and explore possible incentives to provide interpreter-mediated psychotherapy for migrants with limited language proficiency. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 outpatient psychotherapists in Northern Germany who had not yet worked with professional interpreters in outpatient care. The interviews were audio recorded, transcribed and analysed using a structured content analysis approach. The psychotherapists named structural as well as subjective barriers and concerns. Findings suggest that improving structural factors, such as secure funding, minimal additional work, better preparation and training could facilitate the integration of professional interpreters into everyday treatment. Psychotherapists also mentioned concerns about their own confidence (e.g., insecurities regarding the triadic situation), the patient (e.g., reduced openness), the interpreter (e.g., doubts about suitability, motivation and empathy), as well as the therapeutic process (e.g., unclear allocation of roles). However, positive aspects and opportunities of interpreter-mediated psychotherapy were also described. These could be enhanced by the presence of conducive factors, such as existing trust between all parties and professional cooperation between interpreter and psychotherapist.

We argue that pity can motivate collective action intentions toward groups that are both politically and economically deprived. We tested this connection in four online surveys and an experiment. In Study 1 (N = 1,007), pity for the Roma in Hungary predicted collective action intentions, which was replicated in Study 2 in connection with refugees in Germany (N = 191) and in Hungary (N = 563). Study 3 (N = 475) demonstrated that for not economically but politically disadvantaged groups (e.g., sexual minorities), pity was not a predictor of ally action. In an experiment (Study 4, N = 447), pity was just as strong a predictor of collective action intentions as outrage on behalf of an economically and politically disadvantaged outgroup. Pity can be a mobilizing emotion when it comes to groups that are both economically and politically disadvantaged; however, outrage remains more important in the absence of economic hardship.

Based on dual-pathway models of collective action, this research examines how social movements' proximity to their stated goal affects potential supporters' willingness and motivations to engage. Across three experimental studies in two different contexts, and for members of both the disadvantaged ingroups and advantaged outgroups (total N = 1,102), we find consistent support for two counteracting indirect effects of goal distance on collective action. When movements are closer to their goals, potential supporters perceive less injustice, which reduces their willingness to engage in collective action for the movements' cause via the emotion-focused pathway. At the same time, perceptions of political efficacy increase, bolstering engagement via the problem-focused pathway. We conclude that while goal proximity does not seem to affect overall intentions to engage in collective action, it does affect the motivational paths to it, which makes it a relevant factor to consider in both research and social justice contexts.

The present research examined effects of exposure to the German flag on outgroup prejudice in Germany. In agreement with social identity theory, we demonstrated that exposure to the German flag increased outgroup prejudice among highly nationalistic German respondents. This finding seems to contradict prior research illustrating that exposure to the US flag reduced outgroup prejudice among highly nationalistic American respondents. This contradiction is considered the result of various concepts Germans associate with the German flag compared to concepts Americans associate with the US flag. Practical implications for flag exposure are discussed.

We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.

We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.