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Sadness, disgust, shame: these feelings alienate and isolate. Although they have recently entered the public discourse, the language we use when talking about them, trying to prove the right to feel them and their political significance, is often full of formulas and clichés – relying on labeling these negative emotions rather than exploring their complexity. This is, of course, better than not talking about them at all, but it leaves considerable hunger for other, better language. So how do we talk about unpleasant feelings? How is solidarity on their grounds possible? Is there room in it for affirmation (in the spirit of Deleuze and Guattari) and what would it cover? The author polemicizes with the concepts of "dark feminism" by Jack Halberstam and "women as wardens of the night" by Jacqueline Rose. Key-words: feminism, negativity, queer, sadness

The article attempts to reconstruct the difference between the ontologies of Hegel and Deleuze. The question of nature and Man (as different from the human animal) in both philosophies can provide crucial insight into the fundamental ontological disparity between the two philosophies. Nature, according to Hegel, is truly external to the idea and (as such) is at the same time a moment in the movement of the concept becoming what it is. Deleuze, in contrast, goes back to pre-Kantian ontology without abandoning the transcendental level of analysis. This enables him to bestow upon nature real externality and to transform the dialectic into a mechanism of opening to the inexhaustible outside, not of confirming the primacy of the concept. The case of becoming-animal demonstrates the political implications of this ontological choice: it can be understood as a way of putting an end to "Man," an enterprise compatible with abolitionist postulates.

In the last part of the Empire trilogy, Commonwealth, Negri and Hardt ask about the possibility of the self-governance of the multitude. When answering, they argue that absolute democracy, understood as the political articulation of the multitude that does not entail its unification (construction of the people) is possible. As Negri states, this way of thinking about political articulation is rooted in the tradition of democratic materialism and constitutes the alternative to the dominant current of modern political philosophy that identifies political power with sovereignty. The multitude organizes itself politically by means of the constitutive power, identical with the ontological creativity or productivity of the multitude. To state the problem of political organization means to state the problem of class composition: political democracy is at the same time economic democracy. ; W ostatniej części trylogii Imperium, Rzeczy-pospolitej, Negri i Hardt pytają o sposób, w jaki wielość może rządzić sama sobą. W odpowiedzi stawiają tezę, że absolutna demokracja, pojmowana jako polityczna artykulacja wielości, niezakładająca jej redukcji do zunifikowanego podmiotu (ludu), jest możliwa. Jak stwierdza Negri, ten sposób myślenia o politycznej artykulacji jest zakorzeniony w tradycji demokratycznego materializmu, stanowiącej alternatywę dla dominującego w nowożytnej filozofii polityki nurtu utożsamiającego władzę polityczną z suwerennością. Wielość organizuje się politycznie dzięki władzy konstytuującej, tożsamej z ontologiczną kreatywnością/produktywnością wielości. Postawienie kwestii politycznej organizacji wymaga więc także postawienia kwestii składu klasowego wielości; demokracja polityczna jest zarazem demokracją ekonomiczną.