Suchergebnisse

This book seeks to address and fill a puzzling omission in contemporary critical IR scholarship. Following on from the aesthetic turn in IR, critical and 'postmodern' IR has produced an impressive array of studies into movies, literature, music and art and the way these media produce, mediate, and represent international politics. By contrast, the proponents of the aesthetic turn have overlooked fashion as a source of knowledge about global politics. Yet stories about the political role of fashion abound in the news media. Margaret Thatcher used dress to define her political image, and more recently the fascination with Michelle Obama, Carla Bruni and other women in similar positions, and the discussions about the appropriateness of their wardrobes, regularly makes the news. In Sudan, a female writer and activist successfully challenged the government over her right to wear trousers in public and in Europe, the debate on women's headscarves has politicised a garment item and turned it into a symbol of fundamentalism and oppression. In response, the contributors to this book investigate the politics of fashion from a variety of perspectives, addressing theoretical as well as empirical issues, establishing the critical study of fashion and its protagonists as a central contribution to the aesthetic turn in international politics. The politics of fashion go beyond these examples of the uses and abuses of textiles and fabrics for political purposes, extending into its very 'grammar' and vocabulary. This book will be a unique contribution to the field and will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, critical IR theory and popular culture and world politics.

1. From space to spatialization -- 2. Identity, security and the inescapability of the political -- 3. Reading/writing NATO -- 4. Mapping the post-Cold War order : from the London declaration to the strategic concept -- 5. The "home-coming" : NATO and the Central and Eastern European states -- 6. From "Pangolin" to "Partner" : the re-construction of Russia -- 7. "Arc of tension and crisis" : the South and the Mediterranean -- 8. "Out of area or out of business" : Bosnia and the deconstruction of NATO -- 9. NATO unlimited : the Washington summit 1999 -- 10. Deconstructing the West : NATO in the age of terrorism -- 11. Conclusion.

This book analyses the way in which the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) defines the West after the end of the Cold War and the demise of its constitutive 'Other', the Soviet Union.The book offers a theoretical critique of liberal approaches to security, and focuses on NATO's construction of four geo-cultural spaces that are the sites of particular dangers or threats, which cause these spaces to be defined as the 'enemy' of the West. While this forges a collective Western identity, effectively achieved in the 1990s, the book also includes an analysis of NATO's involve.

El punto de partida de este trabajo es un sentimiento general de insatisfacción intelectual con las interpretaciones liberales que sitúan el evento del 11-S fuera del ámbito propio de la política. Centrándose en esta despolitización del "Terrorismo" y en la invocación de una metafísica del Bien y del Mal para su explicación, este artículo ofrece una perspectiva alternativa que lo sitúa en el contexto de un proceso de globalización de la Violencia. Basándome en la Teoría del partisano de Schmitt, abogo por la naturaleza inmanente —y no metafísica— del "terrorismo" en la política global contemporánea, como expresión de resistencia al régimen de verdad que subyace a la globalización ; The starting point for this paper is a general sense of intellectual dissatisfaction with liberal interpretations that place the event of 9/11 outside the realm of politics. Taking issue with this de-politisation of "Terrorism" and the invocation of a metaphysics of Good and Evil in explaining its occurrence, this article offers an alternative perspective that places this event within the context of a general globalisation of Violence. Drawing on Schmitt's Theorie des Partisanen, I argue for the immanent rather than metaphysical nature of 'terrorism' in contemporary global politics as an expression of resistance to the universalist regime of truth that underlies globalisation

El punto de partida de este trabajo es un sentimiento general de insatisfacción intelectual con las interpretaciones liberales que sitúan el evento del 11-S fuera del ámbito propio de la política. Centrándose en esta despolitización del "Terrorismo" y en la invocación de una metafísica del Bien y del Mal para su explicación, este artículo ofrece una perspectiva alternativa que lo sitúa en el contexto de un proceso de globalización de la Violencia. Basándome en la Teoría del partisano de Schmitt, abogo por la naturaleza inmanente —y no metafísica— del "terrorismo" en la política global contemporánea, como expresión de resistencia al régimen de verdad que subyace a la globalización.

The starting point for this paper is a general sense of intellectual dissatisfaction with liberal interpretations that place the event of 9/11 outside the realm of politics. Taking issue with this de-politisation of "Terrorism" and the invocation of a metaphysics of Good and Evil in explaining its occurrence, this article offers an alternative perspective that places this event within the context of a general globalisation of Violence. Drawing on Schmitt's Theorie des Partisanen, I argue for the immanent rather than metaphysical nature of 'terrorism' in contemporary global politics as an expression of resistance to the universalist regime of truth that underlies globalisation. ; El punto de partida de este trabajo es un sentimiento general de insatisfacción intelectual con las interpretaciones liberales que sitúan el evento del 11-S fuera del ámbito propio de la política. Centrándose en esta despolitización del "Terrorismo" y en la invocación de una metafísica del Bien y del Mal para su explicación, este artículo ofrece una perspectiva alternativa que lo sitúa en el contexto de un proceso de globalización de la Violencia. Basándome en la Teoría del partisano de Schmitt, abogo por la naturaleza inmanente —y no metafísica— del "terrorismo" en la política global contemporánea, como expresión de resistencia al régimen de verdad que subyace a la globalización.

Most discussions of Immanuel Kant's political theory of international politics focus on his work on Eternal Peace and its normative and empirical relevance for contemporary international relations and international law. Yet for all his concern with peace, Kant's work is characterised by a fascinating preoccupation with the concept of war and its role in human history. The purpose of this essay is to investigate critically Kant's different conceptualisations of war and to evaluate his writing as a critique against contemporary versions of Liberal war and peace, as well as recent attempts to reduce war to an immanent logic of biopolitics. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this essay is a critical investigation of Immanuel Kant's Zum Ewigen Frieden as a metaphysical and transcendental rather than political project. The essay argues that this project, despite Kant's protestations to the contrary, necessarily produces the `peace of the graveyard'. Eternal Peace needs to be understood not only as a guide to the creation of peaceful relations between states — a common interpretation reflected in the misleading translation of the treatise as `Perpetual Peace' — but also as a philosophical response to the problem of Difference in international politics. As such, it establishes many of the metaphysical tenets through which Liberalism has ever since attempted to establish the conditions for Eternal Peace via the ontological eradication of Difference and the operation of an ethnoand temporocentric epistemology. Consequently, Eternal Peace depends on the death, rather than affirmation, of the Political as the agonistic engagement with the Other.

The purpose of this essay is a critical investigation of Immanuel Kant's Zum Ewigen Frieden as a metaphysical & transcendental rather than political project. The essay argues that this project, despite Kant's protestations to the contrary, necessarily produces the 'peace of the graveyard.' Eternal Peace needs to be understood not only as a guide to the creation of peaceful relations between states -- a common interpretation reflected in the misleading translation of the treatise as 'Perpetual Peace' -- but also as a philosophical response to the problem of Difference in international politics. As such, it establishes many of the metaphysical tenets through which Liberalism has ever since attempted to establish the conditions for Eternal Peace via the ontological eradication of Difference & the operation of an ethno- & temporocentric epistemology. Consequently, Eternal Peace depends on the death, rather than affirmation, of the Political as the agonistic engagement with the Other. Adapted from the source document.