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"Lauded for his New Deal policies and leadership as a wartime president, Franklin D. Roosevelt's reputation enjoys regular acclaim. In his own time too, Roosevelt was described as a comforting and competent hero who authored the Four Freedoms, wrote the Fair Employment Act, and helped America's "forgotten man" with groundbreaking welfare programs. Indeed, in the twenty-four most respected polls of scholars since 1948, Roosevelt consistently finds a place in the top three "greatest" presidents. And yet, critical thinkers must ask: Are historians wearing rose-colored glasses? Is the father of today's welfare state really worthy of such generous approbation? How much of this glowing reputation is fact, and how much of it fiction? Does he deserve to rank among the greatest presidents America has ever had, next to men like Lincoln and Washington? In The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance, historian and distinguished professor emeritus David Beito unveils the many abuses of power and human rights violations that defined Roosevelt's time in office. The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights offers much-needed sobriety to the historical literature surrounding FDR, bringing the dark side of his administration to light"--

Abstract:At the behest of the Roosevelt administration in 1935, the U.S. Senate established a special committee to investigate lobbying activities by opponents of the "death sentence" of the Public Utility Holding Company Bill. Chaired by Hugo L. Black (D-Ala.), the "Black Committee" expanded its mission into a more general probe of anti–New Deal organizations and individuals. The committee used highly intrusive methods, notably catch-all dragnet subpoenas, to secure evidence. It worked closely with the IRS for access to tax returns and with the FCC to obtain copies of millions of telegrams. When the telegram search became public information, there was a major backlash from the press, Congress, and the courts. Court rulings in 1936, resulting from suits by William Randolph Hearst and others, not only limited the committee's powers but provided important checks for future investigators, including Senator Joseph McCarthy.

The social-welfare world of the poor has changed considerably since the turn of the century. It is not difficult to find dramatic evidence of progress. Most obviously, there has been a substantial reduction in the percentage of Americans who are poor. Even in 1929, about 40 percent of the population still lived in poverty. The corresponding figure for 1993 was 15.1 percent. The poor have also enjoyed notable material and physical gains in terms of income, diet, health, and housing conditions.

Few terms have recurred so often in the work of American social welfare historians as "deserving" (or worthy) and "undeserving" (unworthy). These concepts, of course, describe criteria employed by private and government agencies to determine eligibility for social welfare assistance. A special object of concern in the literature has been their use, in particular misuse, by charity organizations and welfare agencies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Explores the aid eligibility requirements used by fraternal societies, specifically the Household of Ruth (black women) & the Workmen's Circle (Jewish socialists) in the US, 1900-1930. The record of each organization provides insights into the social-welfare attitudes of two disparate, but significant, segments of the working class. Despite important differences, the Household & Workmen's Circle had much in common with fraternal societies with more middle class memberships. Most importantly, each aggressively enforced behavioral restrictions & sought to punish malingering. Neither dispensed benefits as unconditional entitlements. In contrast to the aid restrictions adopted by organized charity & governmental poor relief, however, these fraternal aid restrictions rested on an ethic of solidarity that stressed reciprocal, rather than adversarial, donor & recipient relationships. AA

During the middle years of the Great Depression, urban taxpayers across the land became targets of a massive advertising campaign. This fact alone does not offer the historian much cause for surprise. Advertising, massive or otherwise, always has been common fare for American consumers. What made this particular campaign different from most others was its peculiar agenda: convincing Americans to pay taxes. The central players were the National Pay-Your-Taxes Campaign (NPYTC) and the Citizens' Councils for Constructive Economy (CCCE). Both began in 1933 and embodied the interests of a diverse coalition of good-government reformers, academics, bureaucrats, and investment bankers. Almost all the founding members had one thing in common: They depended heavily on the consumption of tax money.

Drawing on periodicals & annual reports published by fraternal societies (FSs) during the early twentieth century, & sociological & government studies from the period, a historical review & description of these societies is presented. Until the early twentieth century, FSs were a major source of social welfare for both the poor & middle classes, & estimates have placed their membership at about 30% of the adult population, with especially large participation by blacks & Eastern Europeans. FSs provided a wide range of mutual aid assistance, including health & life insurance, maternity benefits, employment information, orphanages, & homes for the elderly. Unlike government & private charity, FS aid centered around reciprocal, rather than adversarial, donor & recipient relationships. Several possible reasons for the subsequent decline of FSs are evaluated, including competition from private companies, constraints imposed by insurance legislation & medical societies, & crowding out from government welfare programs. Modified AA

Explores libertarian columnist & author Rose Wilder Lane's promotion of laissez-faire ideas while writing for the Pittsburgh Courier, the largest black newspaper in the US, 1930s-1940s. Discussion begins with detailed historical background on Lane, noting her support of the Old Right & shift into libertarianism as well as her start with the Courier. Attention is given to Lane's joining of the laissze-faire perspective with antiracism in writing, direct action experience, her termination from the Courier, & Lane's work during the last two decades of her life.