Suchergebnisse

China-Iran relations have steadily evolved and expanded in the domains of geopolitics, economics and diplomacy since the Iranian revolution. Presently, being increasingly isolated from the world under Donald Trump's maximum pressure campaign, Iran has been further drawn towards China, which, in the long term, can significantly alter the existing regional security architecture of the Persian Gulf. The recent agreements and partnership between the two countries, which is reflected in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as well as the draft 25-year Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) will pave the way for a long term strategic cooperation between the two countries. In this context, the paper analyzes various factors that have systemically fostered friendly ties between the two countries. The paper also explores historical and contemporary trends that can impact the future of bilateral relations. Further, it evaluates the economic relations between the two countries outlining the trade in the oil sector as well as other sectors. Lastly, the paper examines the plausible challenges to the future of bilateral relations. For this, the paper relies on three variables: the internal dynamics and perception in Iran about its relations with China; the major power-middle power dynamics that can prove to be a barrier in the relations; and the outlook and responses of the regional countries that may scuttle the process of strategizing bilateral relationship.

The election of Hassan Rouhani in 2013 as the President was hailed as a 'victory of moderation' in Iran, signaling the fact that Iran would embrace moderation after the 'fierce rule' of Ahmadinejad, former Iranian President. However, a chronic failure of moderates' agenda in Iran during former's tenure has now changed the power distribution in the country leading to conservative faction's win in the 2020 Parliamentary elections. The paper is an attempt to evaluate the election result of 2020 and understand the new power dynamics in Iran. It reviews the performance and policies of President Rouhani as he reaches the last year of his second term and also analyzes the emerging political scenario in the country with challenges to the new Parliament. Additionally, to make a holistic analysis, the paper briefly covers the strong points of Rouhani administration and the plausible policy changes expected from the new parliament. The methodology of the paper is qualitative content analysis.

Arabic language is a highly inflectional language where a single word can have different forms using a single root with different interpretations. Arabic does not have a standard way to find roots, the reasons for having inflectional language: suffix, prefix and infix Vowels, which built in complex processes. That is why, words require good processing for information retrieval solutions, until now, and there has been no standard approach to attaining the fully proper root. The applications on Arabic words show around 99% are derived from a combination of bilateral, Trilateral and quad lateral roots.Processing word- stemming levels in order to extract a root is the process of removing all additional affixes. In case the process of matching between a word and Proper names is available, take off the affixes away, according to patterns and rules with reference to root dictionaries.This research is new series of steps using a new way of affixes' browsing, vowels and Patterns through three stages of stemming. I f a match is not found, vowel replacement and patterns readjusted to check, if not, then the word is kept unmodified.Search engine, indexing, file classification, clustering etc. need developing the root extraction, where the researcher will introduce recommendations and solutions that participate in improving Arabic root extraction.Research applies comprehensive processing on general collection of documents that done gradually to improve the root extraction by 96%.

One of the most significant developments of the year 2018 was US President Trump's decision to pull out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or Iran Nuclear Deal, a multilateral agreement signed between Iran and China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, plus Germany (P5+1). While the US has withdrawn from the deal and the other signatories to the deal are trying to keep Iran in the deal, Iran sees little return in remaining part of the deal. Hence, there is uncertainty about its survival. To study the future of JCPOA, the paper analyzes the future course of action of Iran, the EU and the US vis-à-vis the deal. It looks at US efforts to scuttle the deal, the internal and external pressures on Iran to abide or abandon the deal, and the EU's attempts to appease the US while keeping Iran in the deal. Furthermore, it looks at the bilateral relations between stakeholders and predicts the consequences of the course of action taken by each stakeholder.

Depending on how Trump administration adjusts to the nuclear deal between Iran and the P5+1, the strategic landscape of Iran could either transform dramatically or slide back to pre-deal status quo ante. Traditionally, Iran aspires for a wider regional role to enhance its stature and assume a regional leadership position. As international politics becomes more complex and interlinked, a resurging Iran, reaching to the outer world, has implications for Pakistan. Critically speaking, Pakistan's relations with Iran are unique in the sense that these could neither be described as strategic partnership nor strategic rivalry; rather the relations have been alternating between strong friendship and competition. Thus, it is important to study and extrapolate Iran and Pakistan relations and also how this relationship could serve the long-term interests of each other in the region. The paper juxtaposes Pakistan-Iran relations in the changing regional balance of power. It looks at Pakistan-Iran relations from two angles: history of the bilateral relations; present issues and concerns that could have an impact on the future contours of the relations; and makes plausible policy recommendations for strengthening bilateral ties.

In the last decade, there has been a growing interest in cruise missiles in India and Pakistan. A characteristic counterforce weapon with high speed and precision, stealth capabilities and multiple launch platforms, cruise missiles are linked to the preemptive capabilities of a state; an antithesis to mutual vulnerability important to maintain nuclear deterrence. However, like any other weapon, they cannot be neatly described as either weapon for offense for first strike or weapon for defense in second strike. This makes it imperative to study the implications of the cruise missiles of Pakistan and India on strategic stability. The paper is divided into three parts; the first part studies the characteristics of cruise missile and builds a theoretical framework to understand how counterforce systems like cruise missiles impact strategic stability between two states. The second part studies the impact of cruise missiles in South Asia on regional strategic stability from three aspects: deterrence stability, crisis stability and arms race stability. In the third part, the conclusion, it is found that while the dynamics of deterrence stability and crisis stability are not affected by cruise missiles, it proves to be destabilizing for arms race. Cruise missiles in South Asia reinforce the cyclic dynamics of offense and defense, prompting both countries to invest in their security, which on the long run will impinge on deterrence stability and crisis stability between the two countries.

Cet article questionne la catégorie d'« islam politique » et revient sur son usage dans le cas du Maroc en montrant qu'elle comprend non seulement ce que l'on désigne habituellement par « mouvement islamiste » mais aussi des acteurs comme la République coloniale ou la monarchie marocaine, qui ont eu recours à l'islam dans leur stratégie politique de domination. Ce texte traite également du réformisme démocratique à travers l'exemple du Parti Justice et Développement ( pjd ) qui est à la tête du gouvernement marocain depuis les élections du 25 novembre, mais dont le rôle reste limité par les pouvoirs importants du roi soustraits à tout mécanisme de responsabilité politique.

The article questions the 'political Islam' category and looks back at how it has been applied to Morocco. It shows that this category includes not only what is usually referred to as 'Islamic movements' but also other actors, such as the colonial Republic or the Moroccan monarchy which have used Islam in their political strategies of domination. The article also looks at democratic reformism through the example of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) which has controlled the government since the November 25 elections, but whose role remains limited due to the important powers of the King that are not submitted to any principle of political responsibility. Adapted from the source document.

Part of: Thermally driven heat pumps for heating and cooling. – Ed.: Annett Kühn – Berlin: Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, 2013 ISBN 978-3-7983-2686-6 (print) ISBN 978-3-7983-2596-8 (online) urn:nbn:de:kobv:83-opus4-39458 [http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:83-opus4-39458] ; Increased efforts to reduce CO2 emissions and continuous increases in fossil energy prices have led to stronger legislation concerning energy utilisation efficiency in the domestic heating sector. Accordingly, German gas utilities and the key European manufacturers of gas heating appliances have teamed up to form what is known as the "Gas Heat Pump Initiative" to introduce new heating technologies, which are capable of achieving an incremental improvement of gas utilisation efficiency compared to that delivered by gas condensing technology. This article provides a brief introduction to these innovative heating appliances and a presentation of the gas heat pump initiative.