Suchergebnisse

Although the outward migration of North Korean refugees has received increasing attention in scholarly circles, little research has been done on migration to North Korea. Drawing on ethnographic and archival research, this article considers the changing political identification of migrants from Japan to North Korea, from 1959 to the 1980s, and their relationship to both the ethnic homeland and the former colonizer. The author suggests that the North Korean state's effort to contain the imagined threat posed by arrivals from Japan was undermined by transnational exchange between divided families. Specifically, women on both sides of the Sea of Japan (East Sea) engaged in kin work that alerted ethnic Korean immigrants to their ambiguous status as both fraternal comrade and outsider in North Korea. This article illustrates how mobility provided opportunities for new identities to emerge, as individuals who considered themselves Korean compatriots developed identifications that translocally connected them to kin and communities in Japan. Keywords: identity, migration, selfhood, transnational kinship, North Korea, Japan, Zainichi Koreans

The South Korean government continues to practice variants of what Stephan Castles (1995) calls 'differential exclusion', in which citizenship in the nation state for North Koreans does not confer membership in civil society. For new arrivals from North K

The South Korean government continues to practice variants of what Stephan Castles (1995) calls 'differential exclusion', in which citizenship in the nation state for North Koreans does not confer membership in civil society. For new arrivals from North K

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t'albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t'albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t'albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the "good" discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t'albungmin who prefer anonymity are "sympathizers" of the North and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which "suspect" citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t'albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t'albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t'albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the "good" discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t'albungmin who prefer anonymity are "sympathizers" of the North and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which "suspect" citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition.

Through the selective allocation of attention, framing and metaphors in covering foreign affairs and countries, media narratives often act to delegitimise, marginalise and demonise international actors. Focusing on Australian reportage of North Korea in The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald and from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) between 1 January 2010 and 31 December 2012, this paper explicates how the framing mechanisms utilised in media point to media complicity in reinforcing a negative, adversarial orientation towards North Korea. It also discusses implications for how Australians view the North Korean people, Australian-North Korean relations, and policy pertaining to Northeast Asia more broadly. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part I Geography and Borderlands Theory: Framing the Region -- 1 Illuminating Edges -- 2 On Asian Borders -- 3 Regions within the Yalu-Tumen Border Space -- Part II Towards a Methodology of Sino-Korean Border Studies -- 4 Unification in Action? -- 5 Ethnography and Borderlands -- 6 Measuring North Korea's Economic Relationships -- 7 Ink and Ashes -- Part III Histories of the Sino-Korean Border Region -- 8 Revisiting the Forgotten Border Gate -- 9 'Utopian Speak' -- 10 The Yanbian Korean Autonomous Region 1990 -- Part IV Contemporary Borderland Economics -- 11 Change on the Edges -- 12 Tumen Triangle Tribulations -- 13 Purges and Peripheries -- 14 From Periphery to Centre -- Part V Human Rights and Identity in the Borderland and Beyond -- 15 Land of Promise or Peril? -- 16 Celebrity Defectors -- 17 North Korean Border-Crossers -- 18 The Limits of Koreanness -- Afterword -- Index