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Abstract Purpose of the study: This paper examines the span period of time that has passed since when terrorist group, loosely known as Boko Haram otherwise Jama'at ahlus-Sunnah lid-Da'awat wal-Jihad (the people committed to the teaching of Prophet, for provocation and Jihad), launched atrocities against innocent civilians mainly in the dominant Muslim northeast Nigeria as an ostensible process of paving the way for the implementation of Shari'ah law in the country. Methodology: Qualitative data analysis is applied to conduct this research. Books, journals, and research reports compiled on Boko Haram atrocities were consulted as sources of information. The Indo-Nigeria bilateral ties on the economy and intelligence guide this research to the conclusion. Finding: On one side, this study concludes that the fertile ground of the ongoing crisis is championed by the rampant poverty, disparity in the distribution of wealth, and a high rate of illiteracy. While in the other, it finalizes that the long-term experience India has on terrorist-related activities within its territories equip her to develop soft landing-approaches that hold various attacks carried out by the insurgents so much undermined. It nevertheless, finalizes that the alleged relationship between the sect and some top political elites and even some higher-ranking security officers began against a backdrop of faceless insurgents. However, Nigeria's domestic pressures, including poverty, illiteracy, religio-tribalism as well as regional sentimentalism, among other factors that bolster the heavyweight size and bulky of the insurgency in the region. Application: This work is most usefully crucial for both students and readers those that develop an interest in African Studies, International Relations, and Conflict resolution as well. Novelty/Originality: Boko Haram claims that waging war against the current leadership of Nigeria seized by corrupt individuals and forged Muslims is obligatory. As India faces similar threats and thus passes through experience ...

Purpose of the study:Centrally, this article aims at exploring the effects of the convulsion toward Egyptian domestic politics and democratic transition. However, it tries to examine whether the spring was for a political freedom or a merely evasive move to saddle brotherhood on governorship. Methodology:Qualitative data analysis is the approach applied while carrying out this study. Various books, journals and research reports on Egyptian as well as Middle Eastern politics were consulted as sources of information. Current political events in Egypt and other neighboring countries were followed. Findings:It concludes that democratizing a dominantly Arab and Islamic nation such as Egypt seldom hit the target. More so, the spring's ends those were meant for better Egypt have not yet been achieved. Application:This research is useful especially for students or readers want specialize on Egyptian or Middle Eastern politics from the shadow of political changes in the region. Novelty/Originality:The jasmine revolution witnessed across the Middle East and North Africa is the subject matter of this study. The Middle East region, which is the focusing area of this research was popularly dominated by tyrant leaderships especially in the pre-revolution time. This study finds its originality from the fact that lack of freedom and political rights galvanized anger among the Arab youths: from Tunisia to almost all over the region. However, this contributes to the scary literature related to this area speciafically democratic transition that happened for the first time in Egypt.

It has been a quarter-century since when both Taiwan and Nigeria achieve civilian rule in 1996 and 1999 respectively. Nigeria experienced a setback by men in uniform amidst a beautiful beginning of its existence, and lasted for tens of years. Perhaps, the story is not much different from the rest of the African nations. Similarly, for decades, Taiwan encountered serious political turmoil, in fact, a crisis under a dominant overarching power of one party system. My research investigates democratic transition in Taiwan and Nigeria on a comparative basis. Nevertheless, the study proposes to examine some of the major factors that caused and brought about the transition as a living experience in these two different economies. This study will however, try to compare the political transitional process in these nations and its effects to the lives of their respective citizens and to the region they belong to. Egregious political legitimacy of absolutism in both Taiwan and Nigeria in pre-1990s generates direct reflection of democratization in these two emerging economies. The study concludes that the revolutionary wave that opens a new beginning in the European history, followed by the fall of Berlin Wall, lifting the Iron Curtain only to record the end of the Cold War, ousting communist regimes across Eastern Europe were among other forces that propelled democratic transition to replace tyranny with democratically elected leaderships in many parts of the world including in Taiwan and Nigeria.

OBJECTIVES: This study aimed to quantify change in the coverage, quality and equity of essential maternal and newborn healthcare interventions in Gombe state, Northeast Nigeria, following a four year, government-led, maternal and newborn health intervention. DESIGN: Quasi-experimental plausibility study. Repeat cross-sectional household and linked health facility surveys were implemented in intervention and comparison areas. SETTING: Gombe state, Northeast Nigeria. PARTICIPANTS: Each household survey included a sample of 1000 women aged 13-49 years with a live birth in the previous 12 months. Health facility surveys comprised a readiness assessment and birth attendant interview. INTERVENTIONS: Between 2016-2019 a complex package of evidence-based interventions was implemented to increase access, use and quality of maternal and newborn healthcare, spanning the six WHO health system building blocks. OUTCOME MEASURES: Eighteen indicators of maternal and newborn healthcare. RESULTS: Between 2016 and 2019, the coverage of all indicators improved in intervention areas, with the exception of postnatal and postpartum contacts, which remained below 15%. Greater improvements were observed in intervention than comparison areas for eight indicators, including coverage of at least one antenatal visit (71% (95% CI 62 to 68) to 88% (95% CI 82 to 93)), at least four antenatal visits (46% (95% CI 39 to 53) to 69% (95% CI 60 to 75)), facility birth (48% (95% CI 37 to 59) to 64% (95% CI 54 to 73)), administration of uterotonics (44% (95% CI 34 to 54) to 59% (95% CI 50 to 67)), delayed newborn bathing (44% (95% CI 36 to 52) to 62% (95% CI 52 to 71)) and clean cord care (42% (95% CI 34 to 49) to 73% (95% CI 66 to 79)). Wide-spread inequities persisted however; only at least one antenatal visit saw pro-poor improvement. CONCLUSIONS: This intervention achieved improvements in life-saving behaviours for mothers and newborns, demonstrating that multipartner action, coordinated through government leadership, can shift the needle in the right direction, even in resource-constrained settings.

OBJECTIVES: This study aimed to quantify change in the coverage, quality and equity of essential maternal and newborn healthcare interventions in Gombe state, Northeast Nigeria, following a four year, government-led, maternal and newborn health intervention. DESIGN: Quasi-experimental plausibility study. Repeat cross-sectional household and linked health facility surveys were implemented in intervention and comparison areas. SETTING: Gombe state, Northeast Nigeria. PARTICIPANTS: Each household survey included a sample of 1000 women aged 13–49 years with a live birth in the previous 12 months. Health facility surveys comprised a readiness assessment and birth attendant interview. INTERVENTIONS: Between 2016–2019 a complex package of evidence-based interventions was implemented to increase access, use and quality of maternal and newborn healthcare, spanning the six WHO health system building blocks. OUTCOME MEASURES: Eighteen indicators of maternal and newborn healthcare. RESULTS: Between 2016 and 2019, the coverage of all indicators improved in intervention areas, with the exception of postnatal and postpartum contacts, which remained below 15%. Greater improvements were observed in intervention than comparison areas for eight indicators, including coverage of at least one antenatal visit (71% (95% CI 62 to 68) to 88% (95% CI 82 to 93)), at least four antenatal visits (46% (95% CI 39 to 53) to 69% (95% CI 60 to 75)), facility birth (48% (95% CI 37 to 59) to 64% (95% CI 54 to 73)), administration of uterotonics (44% (95% CI 34 to 54) to 59% (95% CI 50 to 67)), delayed newborn bathing (44% (95% CI 36 to 52) to 62% (95% CI 52 to 71)) and clean cord care (42% (95% CI 34 to 49) to 73% (95% CI 66 to 79)). Wide-spread inequities persisted however; only at least one antenatal visit saw pro-poor improvement. CONCLUSIONS: This intervention achieved improvements in life-saving behaviours for mothers and newborns, demonstrating that multipartner action, coordinated through government leadership, can shift the needle in the ...