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Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Learning About Indigenous Activism Through Their Media Practices -- Media Activism in Latin America and the Importance of Broadcasting -- Indigenous Media in Latin America and the Regional Ethnic Resurgence -- Outline of the Book -- 1 Approaching Indigenous Media in Argentina -- Theoretical Framework -- Indigeneity and Media Decolonisation -- Media Practices and the Media Indigenisation -- The Argentinian Case Study -- Indigenous Re-existence -- The Struggle to Take the Floor -- The Research -- Design and Implementation -- Epistemic Stance -- 2 Territorial Struggles and the Media 'Weapon' -- Calling to Action and Networking the Struggles -- Being There and Acting Together -- Inhabiting the World Another Way -- 3 Cultural Contention and Media 'Enactment' -- Hi-Storytelling and Intergenerational Transmission -- Valuing the Everyday While Deconstructing Stereotypes -- Breaking Monolingualism Towards an Intercultural Dialogue -- 4 Management Challenges and the Media 'Battleground' -- Imprinting Commonality, Seeking Technicalities -- Plodding Through Age and Gender Roles -- Juggling Grassroots Militancy and State Control -- Conclusions -- The Political and Cultural Matrix of Indigenous Media Activism -- The Outward and Inward Direction of Indigenous Media Activism -- The Destruens and Construens Attitude of Indigenous Media Activism -- Supportive Research in-Practice: Final Thoughts -- References -- Index.

Purpose– The crisis of confidence in political institutions has become a phenomenon with uniform trends across Europe. Nevertheless, citizens still express interest in politics and are engaged in political and social activities. What are the issues that still motivate them to go to the polls and/or engage in non-institutional forms of political participation? The case study of the Italian referendum in favour of the "Water Common Good" (June 2011) is particularly appropriate to explore these issues and motivations. The paper aims to discuss these issues.Design/methodology/approach– The paper proposes a multidisciplinary common good's framework focusing on its social and political challenges. As the referendum succeeded also thanks to the rhetorical effectiveness of the "common good" epithet, a survey on 120 Roman citizens who voted in favour of the "Water Common Good" was conducted. The hypothesis was that the referendum success could be associated with social needs to defend strategic resources ("commons") by actively participating in the deliberations on them. A quantitative non-probabilistic research was carried out face-to-face, through a standardized and semi-structured questionnaire.Findings– The main findings refer to the leading role that distrust in political institutions, civil society activism and common good rhetorical effectiveness played.Originality/value– The most original contribution of this paper is the explanatory and stipulative definition of common good, which reduces the semantic uncertainty of the concept including common sense meanings. This novel conceptualization has practical implications in policy terms, as it explicates the social need to change the way of conceiving the relationship with strategic resources and decision-making processes concerning them.

El presente trabajo busca identificar afinidades y disonancias entre el buen vivir, al que se dio prioridad jurídica y política en las recientes reformas constitucionales en Ecuador y Bolivia, y el bien común, que en paralelo está floreciendo en el debate público italiano –y más en general, europeo– a partir de algunas experiencias concretas de defensa y reapropiación de los recursos llamados "comunes". Tal perspectiva comparativa ha llevado a identificar dos posibles interpretaciones de la relación entre los conceptos en cuestión: considerar el bien común como concepto general del cual el buen vivir sería una especificación local o como elemento constitutivo del paradigma del buen vivir. ; The current work seeks to identify affinities and dissonance between buen vivir (good living) –to which legal and political priority was given in recent constitutional reforms in Ecuador and Bolivia– and common good, which in a parallel manner is flourishing in public debate in Italy and in Europe in general, given several concrete experiences in defending and re-appropriating resources identified as "commons." Such a comparative perspective has brought about two possible interpretations of the relationship between the concepts in question: We can consider the common good as a general concept from which buen vivir would be a local specificity or we can consider it as a constitutive element of the paradigm of buen vivir.

The book addresses the theme of youth climate activism building on the experience of FridaysForFuture activists and analyzing both their social representations of climate change and their social media usage practices. It accounts for the results of a qualitative research carried out with(in) the Roman group of the movement, adopting a solidarity-based epistemic stance that invites reflections both on activism and research practices.
Drawing upon social representations theory, the authors analyze how the "Fridays" perceive climate change: as a socio-ecological crisis that comes from afar and has repercussions on the future, as something that affects everything and everyone; but also, as a generational problem whose environmental, social, and economic costs will be paid mainly by young people. On the other hand, guided by the literature on digital activism, the authors explore the way in which the activists inhabit social media: as constitutive environments of activism, where political and media practices define each other; but also, as environments that belong to young people and are characterized by age-specific communication styles.
The two experiences related to climate change and the political usages of social media influence each other, giving rise to an unprecedented youth movement for the climate that can tell us about the transformations currently undergoing digital, environmental, and youth activism.

La Ley 26522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual de Argentina (2009) reconoce los pueblos originarios como personas de derecho público no estatal habilitadas para prestar servicios de comunicación a través de sus propios medios. Este logro se debe a las reivindicaciones de comunidades y organizaciones indígenas que, durante la discusión de la ley, empujaron la inclusión de su 'derecho a la comunicación con identidad'. De hecho, solo autorrepresentándose en la arena mediática —esto es, visibilizando sus luchas y culturas— los pueblos originarios pueden descolonizar los discursos estigmatizantes de los medios dominantes y, a la vez, fortalecer su identidad étnica. Por ello, los medios no son solo espacios y herramientas de acompañamiento al movimiento indígena, sino que devienen objetos y sujetos de reivindicación en sí mismos, porque en el espacio público mediatizado se juega la disputa por el poder interpretativo.En este marco, analizamos la experiencia de dos radios kollas del noroeste argentino que se encuentran entre las primeras emisoras autorizadas en el marco de la lSca. A partir de estos casos de estudio, caracterizamos la comunicación indígena mediatizada e identificamos los principales desafíos que los medios de pueblos originarios enfrentan a la hora en que se implementan las políticas del Estado.

Constitutional reforms in Ecuador and Bolivia and the subsequent laws on communications have opened up the media space to new social and political actors: public and community media. While the former tend to be associated with the state in form and with governments in substance, the latter are not clearly defined and occupy a place in the midst of the hegemonic struggle between the public and private sectors to enable citizens to actively intervene in the competition for shaping public opinion. It is therefore necessary to lay the groundwork for a definition of "community media" that includes both its legal and sociopolitical dimensions. Indeed, operationalizing such a definition might allow community media to recognize themselves in it and to take the measures required to fully project themselves as subjects of the law. Las reformas constitucionales de Ecuador y Bolivia, y las siguientes leyes de comunicación, han abierto el espacio mediático a nuevos actores sociales y políticos: los medios públicos y los comunitarios. Si los primeros tienden a ser referibles al Estado en la forma y a los gobiernos en la sustancia, los segundos se quedan indefinidos e irrumpen en la lucha hegemónica entre los sectores público y privado, para que la ciudadanía intervenga de forma activa en la disputa por la generación de opinión pública. Por lo tanto, es necesario sentar las bases para una definición del concepto de "medio comunitario" que sepa mantener unidas las dimensiones de significado legales y socio-políticas. Traducir en términos operativos esta definición podría permitir a los medios comunitarios reconocerse en los rasgos observables del concepto y, por ende, tomar medidas para proyectarse plenamente como sujetos de derecho.

Las recientes reformas latinoamericanas en el ámbito de la comunicación reconfiguran el rol y los desafíos de los medios populares, alternativos y comunitarios. El presente trabajo, basado en dos investigaciones de tipo cualitativo, una en Argentina y otra en Ecuador, analiza algunas experiencias concretas en este campo. El marco teórico de referencia se inscribe en la larga tradición de estudios latinoamericanos en torno a la comunicación popular para el cambio social, integrado también con aportes recientes de estudios europeos. El objetivo de las indagaciones era dar cuenta de la articulación comunidades-medios, intentando mostrar la existencia de vínculos recíprocos entre organización social y generación de contenidos. El análisis de los resultados evidencia que la participación directa en la fundación, gestión y sostenibilidad de estos medios por parte de la comunidad repercute en la generación de contenidos orgánicos a sus intereses y necesidades –normalmente desatendidos por los medios públicos y comerciales– y también en una mayor pluralidad y diversidad de la oferta mediática. Además, los resultados permiten avizorar que los medios populares, alternativos y comunitarios son espacios fundamentales para la democratización de la comunicación y para la construcción de una ciudadanía comunicativa. Un desafío que se desprende de las investigaciones es la necesidad de consolidar redes transnacionales para una acción concertada en el plano del orden global de la comunicación mediática, pudiendo medir su potencial incidencia en la agenda pública ; Recent Latin American reforms in the field of communication reshape and strengthen the role and challenges of the popular, alternative and community media. This paper analyzes different experiences arising from the results of two pieces of research, one in Argentina and another one in Ecuador, both carried out through a qualitative methodology, namely in-depth interviews. The theoretical framework mainly draws upon the grounded tradition of Latin American studies on popular and alternative communication for social change, and it also includes recent contributions from European studies. The objective of both research projects was to account for the communities-media relationship, by unveiling the existence of mutual bonds between social organization and content generation. Analysis of results shows that communities' direct participation in the foundation, management and sustainability of such media reverberates in the production of organic content related to their own interests and needs –usually neglected both by public and commercial media– and also in a greater media pluralism and media supply diversity. Moreover, results allow considering popular, alternative and community media as key environments both for democratizing communication and shaping communicative citizenship. Both studies highlight a common challenge, that is, the need to consolidate trans-local and trans-national networks in order to establish a common action at the level of the media global order, thus enabling to measure their influence on the public agenda

Recent Latin American reforms in the field of communication reshape and strengthen the role and challenges of the popular, alternative and community media. This paper analyzes different experiences arising from the results of two pieces of research, one in Argentina and another one in Ecuador, both carried out through a qualitative methodology, namely in-depth interviews. The theoretical framework mainly draws upon the grounded tradition of Latin American studies on popular and alternative communication for social change, and it also includes recent contributions from European studies. The objective of both research projects was to account for the communities-media relationship, by unveiling the existence of mutual bonds between social organization and content generation.' Analysis of results shows that communities' direct participation in the foundation, management and sustainability of such media reverberates in the production of organic content related to their own interests and needs –usually neglected both by public and commercial media– and also in a greater media pluralism and media supply diversity. Moreover, results allow considering popular, alternative and community media as key environments both for democratizing communication and shaping communicative citizenship. Both studies highlight a common challenge, that is, the need to consolidate trans-local and trans-national networks in order to establish a common action at the level of the media global order, thus enabling to measure their influence on the public agenda.

Resumen basado en el de la publicación ; Resumen y palabras clave en español e inglés ; Las recientes reformas latinoamericanas en el ámbito de la comunicación reconfiguran el rol y los desafíos de los medios populares, alternativos y comunitarios. Se basa en dos investigaciones de tipo cualitativo, una en Argentina y otra en Ecuador. El marco teórico de referencia se inscribe en la larga tradición de estudios latinoamericanos en torno a la comunicación popular para el cambio social, integrado también con aportes recientes de estudios europeos. Se pretende dar cuenta de la articulación comunidades-medios, intentando mostrar la existencia de vínculos recíprocos entre organización social y generación de contenidos. El análisis de los resultados evidencia que la participación directa en la fundación, gestión y sostenibilidad de estos medios por parte de la comunidad repercute en la generación de contenidos orgánicos a sus intereses y necesidades –normalmente desatendidos por los medios públicos y comerciales– y también en una mayor pluralidad y diversidad de la oferta mediática. ; ESP

Resumen basado en el de la publicación ; Resumen y palabras clave en español e inglés ; Las recientes reformas latinoamericanas en el ámbito de la comunicación reconfiguran el rol y los desafíos de los medios populares, alternativos y comunitarios. Se basa en dos investigaciones de tipo cualitativo, una en Argentina y otra en Ecuador. El marco teórico de referencia se inscribe en la larga tradición de estudios latinoamericanos en torno a la comunicación popular para el cambio social, integrado también con aportes recientes de estudios europeos. Se pretende dar cuenta de la articulación comunidades-medios, intentando mostrar la existencia de vínculos recíprocos entre organización social y generación de contenidos. El análisis de los resultados evidencia que la participación directa en la fundación, gestión y sostenibilidad de estos medios por parte de la comunidad repercute en la generación de contenidos orgánicos a sus intereses y necesidades –normalmente desatendidos por los medios públicos y comerciales– y también en una mayor pluralidad y diversidad de la oferta mediática. ; ESP

The FridaysForFuture movement (FFF), launched by Greta Thumberg's school strikes in 2018, has led a new wave of climate activism worldwide. Young people are at the forefront, with social media serving both as mobilizing tools and expressive spaces. Drawing upon literature on youth and digital activism with a generational, situated approach, we account for how both the climate struggle and social media are appropriated by FFF-activists as part of their own youth grassroots politics. Moreover, we explore the activities they mix and the strategies they adopt when moving across online and offline environments. From July 2020 to January 2021, we carried out 6 months of ethnographic work with(in) the FFF-Rome group by blending participant observation of assemblies and protests with digital ethnography on the homonym WhatsApp group. Results' thematic analysis shows that FFF-activists believe climate activism to be their own fight and social media their own battlefield. A generational understanding of digital climate activism emerges at the intersection of the appropriation of the dispute (climate change) and the digital environments (social media). Findings also account for broader logics and strategies adopted by FFF-activists, on and beyond social media. They move seamlessly between online and offline, spanning across and negotiating with different platforms according to political goals and target audiences. These results contribute to overcoming reductive or marginalizing approaches to youth activism, to legitimizing and situating young activists' social media usage practices within an array of grassroots political practices, and to understanding how generational belonging affects such practices in the Italian context.

This article analyzes the idioms of practice and media ideologies of adolescents and older adults regarding mobile digital media usage, and how they are negotiated within and between age cohorts. We formed aged-based focus groups in Rome and Barcelona (four groups of 16- to 19-year-olds and four of 65- to 85-year-olds). The comparison provides new insights on older individuals' communication practices, often overshadowed by the focus on youth. Participants of both age groups explained they do media in their own way, which is perceived as "the right" (or legitimate) way. Strategies and hierarchies differ with age, according to meanings and rankings attributed to media choices in a communicative environment of affordances, or polymedia. The results suggest that differentiated generation-based idioms of practice and media ideologies are in operation in each cohort while, in both cases, refer to adaptative and goal-oriented communications.