Radical-right cooptation of feminism in Israel: a case study
In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 152-156
ISSN: 2156-5511
10 Ergebnisse
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In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 152-156
ISSN: 2156-5511
In: Journal of Middle East women's studies: JMEWS ; the official publication of the Association for Middle East Women's Studies, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 193-201
ISSN: 1558-9579
In: Journal of women, politics & policy, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 439-441
ISSN: 1554-4788
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 812-839
ISSN: 1755-0491
Abstract
Contested sacred sites, over which different religious groups assert claims to exclusivity, have drawn scholarly attention to the spatial interaction between religion and politics. However, the gendered dimensions of inter-communal religious-political disputes over sacred space, and women's roles in these site-specific conflicts, have been largely neglected. Using a case study of Orthodox Jewish women's activism for access to Temple Mount al-Haram al-Sharif, this article demonstrates how attention to gender and to women's engagement in inter-communal conflict over sacred places can illuminate unique intra-communal processes that aim to make a contested sacred site increasingly indivisible for parties to the conflict.
In: Politics & gender, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 781-806
ISSN: 1743-9248
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In: Journal of Middle East women's studies: JMEWS ; the official publication of the Association for Middle East Women's Studies, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 81-107
ISSN: 1558-9579
Women's activism in conservative religious-political movements poses a challenge to liberal feminism. Why do women participate in great numbers in political organizations that seem to limit women's freedom and equality? My work with women activists in the Islamic Movement and the Jewish ultra-Orthodox Shas Movement in Israel, both explicitly patriarchal religious revivalist groups similar to other movements across the Middle East, finds that these movements offer women powerful liberatory narratives. This paper takes issue with recent arguments that suggest that pious women experience agency in acts of submission rather than in resistance and that the association of agency with emancipatory desire and action is an expression of a patently Western tradition that celebrates the fiction of the autonomous individual. I find that women activists' interpretations of agency in piety practices are highly invested in the idea of the autonomous individual. The validity of practices, according to activists, rests on the choice and consciousness of the individual and on the rejection of submission to social norms. Furthermore, when we take into account the various class and cultural contexts of Middle Eastern women's piety practices and activism, we find that for many women religious movements offer real liberation from oppressive socio-economic realities and limiting cultural norms.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractRadical‐right parties have gradually penetrated the political mainstream in many liberal democracies, marking a trend of 'democratic backsliding'. We propose that women's increasing visibility as representatives of radical‐right agendas makes democratic backsliders, their policies and their parties seem more legitimate, and may help explain their growing public acceptance. Our studies provide the first systematic examination of this hypothesis in three countries – Israel, Germany and the United States (N = 7203). In Studies 1a‐c, we show that voters perceive democracy‐eroding policies through a gendered lens – they attribute gender stereotypes to the parties promoting these policies and to the public supporting these policies. In Studies 2a‐c, we experimentally demonstrate the effect of politicians' gender on public acceptance of democracy‐eroding policies, politicians and parties, and demonstrate the role of gender stereotypes in mediating this effect. Finally, we show that the audiences susceptible to the mainstreaming effect of politicians' gender are precisely those that are often particularly repelled by radical‐right agendas and their perceived masculine image: Women and left‐wing voters.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 86-110
ISSN: 1475-6765
Across the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical-right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical-right politics, both institutionalized and non-institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical-right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical-right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical-right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical-right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical-right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical-right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed.
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 86-110
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractAcross the globe, women are increasingly more visible as leaders and activists in radical‐right parties and movements. Does women's visibility in radical‐right politics, both institutionalized and non‐institutionalized, affect public acceptance of radical‐right agendas? The present paper proposes a 'radical‐right gender mainstreaming model', arguing that women in radical‐right politics are perceived by the general public through a prism of feminine gender stereotypes, which counteract radical‐right parties' and movements' masculine stereotypes, thus 'softening' their image and making them more acceptable to the general public. Across four experimental studies conducted in the Israeli context, we find strong evidence that women's visibility as radical‐right parliamentary representatives (Studies 1a and 1b) and as radical‐right political activists (Studies 2a and 2b) increases acceptance of and support for these parties' and movements' agenda, particularly among women. We further demonstrate that these effects are mediated by the attribution of feminine stereotypes (warmth) to women versus men political actors. Implications of these findings are discussed.
In: Journal of peace research, Band 54, Heft 6, S. 733-747
ISSN: 1460-3578
The relationship between gender and political aggression is hotly debated and the empirical evidence is often mixed. While many surveys find a gender gap, with women less supportive of politically motivated aggression and violence than men, numerous case studies point to women's active involvement in political violence and refute the association of women with peacefulness. This article argues that the gender–aggression relation depends upon (1) the type of political aggression under study (i.e. direct vs. indirect political aggression), and (2) contextual factors, notably the salience of a protracted conflict. Using original datasets representing Israeli Jews (N = 3,126) we found that in the context of protracted conflict, gender has a unique effect on support for indirect forms of political aggression, over and above other central predictors of political aggression (i.e. political orientation and threat perceptions), such that women are actually more supportive of politically motivated social distancing and exclusion of out-groups in conflict as compared to men. Women and men, however, do not differ in their support for direct, politically motivated, violent acts against government officials. Results also shed light on potential mechanisms underlying these differences (and lack thereof), in the context of protracted conflict. The findings cast further doubt on the stereotype of 'peaceful women' and point to the need for policymakers concerned with conflict resolution to address context-related factors when considering the gender-based differences in political aggression.
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