Losing to Win: Why Congressional Majorities Play Politics Instead of Make Laws
In: Congress & the presidency, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 276-277
ISSN: 1944-1053
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In: Congress & the presidency, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 276-277
ISSN: 1944-1053
In: Legislative studies quarterly: LSQ, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 687-714
ISSN: 1939-9162
Although scholars have examined committee rosters extensively, no study has considered the relationship between the ideological composition of panels and their participation in bill drafting. I thus ask: Which committees are frequently excluded from legislative deliberations? Does the composition of committees affect the degree to which they contribute to bill development? Using DW‐NOMINATE data, I calculate ideological scores for congressional panels between 1989 and 2010 to see whether certain committees are routinely bypassed. I find that moderate panels, polarized panels, and panels with moderate chairs are often excluded, while extreme committees in the majority direction tend to retain bill‐writing duties.
In: Congress & the presidency, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 82-102
ISSN: 1944-1053
In: Legislative studies quarterly, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 687-714
ISSN: 0362-9805
In: Congress and the presidency: an interdisciplinary journal of political science and history, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 82
ISSN: 0734-3469
In: American Political Science Association 2013 Annual Meeting
SSRN
Working paper
In: International Journal of Law and Information Technology, 30(2), 115–134. DOI: 10.1093/ijlit/eaac011.
SSRN
In: Legislative studies quarterly: LSQ, Band 42, Heft 4, S. 549-577
ISSN: 1939-9162
Congressional parties are commonly viewed as unified legislative teams, but recent intraparty battles have revealed serious ideological divisions within the House Republican caucus. Using annual ratings from nearly 300 interest groups, we estimate the ideological locations of Republican legislators in order to map their party's factional structure. Based on the distribution of interest‐group support from 2001 to 2012, we detect three Republican factions that we characterize as worker oriented, pro‐business, and ethno‐radical. We find that Republican leaders block bills by legislators in the worker and ethno‐radical subgroups and that they advance bills by members in the corporate faction.
In: Saïd Business School WP 2015-20
SSRN
Working paper
In: Political Networks Workshops & Conference 2015
SSRN
Working paper
In: Foreign policy analysis, Band 19, Heft 4
ISSN: 1743-8594
AbstractThe combination of partisan polarization and controversial military engagements has produced contentious debates over US foreign policy in Congress. Who has been winning these debates and exerting greater influence over the development of security and defense bills, hawkish or dovish legislators? The literature offers competing answers—on the one hand, arguing that hawks enjoy policy advantages because of Congress's commitment to US hegemony and, on the other, claiming that doves gain policy openings because of shifting partisan and security conditions. To determine the influence of hawkish versus dovish legislators, we examine congressional actions on all defense spending bills from 1971 to 2016. Specifically, we track roll call votes to see which legislators enjoy the greatest support for their measures. We find that hawks have disproportionate influence over the content of defense bills, whether Republicans or Democrats are in control, and whether the United States is at war or enjoying relative peace.
In: Foreign policy analysis
ISSN: 1743-8594
The combination of partisan polarization and controversial military engagements has produced contentious debates over US foreign policy in Congress. Who has been winning these debates and exerting greater influence over the development of security and defense bills, hawkish or dovish legislators? The literature offers competing answers—on the one hand, arguing that hawks enjoy policy advantages because of Congress's commitment to US hegemony and, on the other, claiming that doves gain policy openings because of shifting partisan and security conditions. To determine the influence of hawkish versus dovish legislators, we examine congressional actions on all defense spending bills from 1971 to 2016. Specifically, we track roll call votes to see which legislators enjoy the greatest support for their measures. We find that hawks have disproportionate influence over the content of defense bills, whether Republicans or Democrats are in control, and whether the United States is at war or enjoying relative peace.
World Affairs Online
In: International politics: a journal of transnational issues and global problems, Band 59, Heft 5, S. 827-850
ISSN: 1740-3898
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 126-140
ISSN: 1938-274X
Research shows that female legislators tend to support liberal, pacifistic approaches to foreign policy. But it remains unclear whether they are dovish because they seek to represent the dovish values of women generally or because they tend to represent mostly liberal voters. To answer this question, we examine all foreign policy votes cast in Congress over the last five decades to estimate the ideological locations of House and Senate members on a hawk-dove dimension. Once we control for partisan and constituency effects, we find only limited evidence that female legislators are more dovish than their male counterparts are.
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 447-469
ISSN: 1528-4190