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AbstractIn this paper, we estimate the impact on employment of the 2021 Child Tax Credit (CTC) expansion, which increased the size of the benefit, made it fully refundable, and allowed for monthly receipt. We harness exogenous variation in monthly CTC eligibility by comparing employment among caregivers to that of childless workers before and after monthly payments commenced on July 15, 2021, using event study and difference‐in‐differences frameworks. Our preferred estimates suggest that monthly CTC payments were, at most, associated with a relatively small decline in employment among caregivers. Our primary difference‐in‐differences estimates indicate a statistically nonsignificant decline in employment of approximately 344,000 to 495,000 caregivers relative to childless adults. Our treatment intensity estimates suggest an increase in employment among caregivers with two or more children relative to those with one child. Our findings contribute to the cost‐benefit calculus of the current debate over whether to establish a permanent fully refundable monthly CTC.

The majority of alleged abuse or neglect reports to the U.S. child welfare system are either screened out prior to an investigation (i.e., at the "hotline" stage) or investigated only to be closed with no finding of immediate child safety concerns. Yet while many of these children and families are at risk of subsequent incidents of child maltreatment or child welfare system involvement, they are not systematically offered services or benefits intended to reduce this risk at the point that child protective services (CPS) ends its involvement. This article provides an overview of the "front end" of the child welfare system, commonly referred to as CPS, highlighting which families are served and which are not. We then argue for a systematic and coordinated child maltreatment prevention infrastructure that incorporates elements of "community response" programs that several U.S. states have implemented in recent years. Such programs are focused on families that have been reported to, and sometimes investigated by, CPS, but no ongoing CPS case is opened. We further argue that such programs need to pay particular attention to economic issues that these families face.

This volume of The ANNALS aims to increase awareness among scholars, policy-makers, and practitioners of the size, scope, and functions of child welfare services in the United States. We aim to promote a wider understanding of the broad impacts of child welfare policies and point to ways in which child welfare services can be better incorporated into cross-cutting social policy debates. The articles in this volume offer concrete recommendations for policies and practices that can reduce child maltreatment, and for systemic approaches—both within the purview of child welfare services and across the broader community and social policy landscape—that can better identify and respond to the needs of children and families in which maltreatment has already occurred or where there is a risk of abuse and neglect. This introduction sets a foundation for understanding the contents of the volume: we provide an overview of child welfare services in the United States and highlight current challenges that the U.S. child welfare systems face.

Using data from the 1979 and 1997 cohorts of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, we estimate the proportions of young men and women who will take on a variety of partner and parent roles by age 30, and describe how these estimates have changed between cohorts. We then draw on identity theory and related theoretical work to consider how the multiple family roles that young adults are likely to occupy—both over their life course and at a single point in time—may influence interfamily and intrafamily relationships. Our discussion highlights key implications of identity theory as it relates to family complexity and proposes several hypotheses for future empirical research, such as the greater likelihood of role conflict in families with greater complexity and limited resources. Our analysis suggests that families may be less likely to function—economically and socially—as cohesive units than has been the case in the past and than most existing policies assume.