Suchergebnisse

This article presents data on the development of women's representation in social partner organizations and corporatist arrangements in Sweden. It analyses changes in corporatist arrangements and the emergence of a European 'corporatist policy community'. What are the implications for gender equality if corporatism moves from the national level to the EU level? The article shows that it is usually harder for women to gain access to corporatist arrangements than to directly elected bodies. The mechanisms behind this are related to the openness and transparency of the institution. The more democratic and the more open an institution is to criticism and scrutiny by citizens, voters, members, media, etc., the more women we .nd. Usually, corporatist arrangements based on organized interests are more closed, exclusionary and discriminatory against women than the more open electoral/parliamentary system. The article concludes that the fact that we now might see a new form of corporatism at EU level could lead to a situation where some of the gains women have won in the national arena are lost in the European arena.

Abstract. This article is part of a broader study of women's representation and influence in the corporatist sector of public decision‐making in Sweden. In an international perspective, Sweden has a remarkably high proportion of women politicians on all levels (between 30–45%), and women constitute about half of the participants in the labour market and of union members. However, in the decision‐making processes of the unions and in corporatist arrangements, women are highly under‐represented. And, as this study shows, in some cases women are more under‐represented today than they were 30 or 40 years ago. One of the results of the high degree of corporatism in Sweden has thus been that women and women's interests have been more marginalised in corporatist arrangements than in traditional politics.

Gender representation in the Confederation of Swedish Trade Unions (LO) & the Central Organization of Salaried Employees (TCO) is examined in light of the prominent role of male-dominated corporatist representation in Swedish state institutions. While the numbers of female (F) recruits in both organizations have increased substantially since 1945, statistics show that Fs remain severely underrepresented in executive positions. Consolidation of smaller unions into bigger ones is cited as partly responsible for the poor F representation. An external consequence of this situation is that since the decision-making bodies & administration of these organizations are used as a recruiting base for political representation, Fs are consequently excluded from political leadership. 9 Tables, 4 Figures, 32 References. L. Baker

In the light of neoliberalism & severe economic problems during the early 1990s many observers have feared that the Swedish welfare state would lose its universal & gender-equal profile. In this article we argue that changes of the Swedish welfare state during the 1990s were incremental, rather than fundamental. Cuts & changes have indeed been made, but they do not sum up to a radical restructuring of the welfare state. The core social insurance programs have become more universal, not least thanks to the growing number of women's labor market participation. Also public child care services have expanded rather than decreased. This shows that there is still room for public policy divergence. Even for a small open economy with the highest budget deficit in the OECD in the early 1990s it has been possible to regain control over the national budget without dismantling the welfare state. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

"Angesichts neo-liberaler Strömungen und schwerer wirtschaftlicher Probleme während der frühen 1990er Jahre befürchteten viele Beobachter, der schwedische Wohlfahrtsstaat würde sein umfassendes und geschlechter-gerechtes Profil verlieren. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass die Veränderungen des schwedischen Wohlfahrtsstaates in den 1990er Jahren inkrementell, aber nicht fundamental waren. Tatsächlich wurden Kürzungen und Änderungen vorgenommen, diese resultieren allerdings nicht in einer radikalen Restrukturierung des Wohlfahrtsstaates. Die zentralen Sozialleistungen wurden universalistischer, nicht zuletzt dank des steigenden Anteils von Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt. Auch die öffentliche Kinderbetreuung wurde eher ausgedehnt denn eingeschränkt. Dies belegt, dass es nach wie vor Spielraum für Politikdivergenz gibt. Selbst einer kleinen offenen Wirtschaft mit dem höchsten Budgetdefizit innerhalb der OECD in den 1990er Jahren war es möglich, das nationale Budget wieder unter Kontrolle zu bringen, ohne den Wohlfahrtsstaat abzubauen." (Autorenreferat)

In the light of neoliberalism & severe economic problems during the early 1990s many observers have feared that the Swedish welfare state would lose its universal & gender-equal profile. In this article we argue that changes of the Swedish welfare state during the 1990s were incremental, rather than fundamental. Cuts & changes have indeed been made, but they do not sum up to a radical restructuring of the welfare state. The core social insurance programs have become more universal, not least thanks to the growing number of women's labor market participation. Also public child care services have expanded rather than decreased. This shows that there is still room for public policy divergence. Even for a small open economy with the highest budget deficit in the OECD in the early 1990s it has been possible to regain control over the national budget without dismantling the welfare state. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

'Angesichts neo-liberaler Strömungen und schwerer wirtschaftlicher Probleme während der frühen 1990er Jahre befürchteten viele Beobachter, der schwedische Wohlfahrtsstaat würde sein umfassendes und geschlechter-gerechtes Profil verlieren. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass die Veränderungen des schwedischen Wohlfahrtsstaates in den 1990er Jahren inkrementell, aber nicht fundamental waren. Tatsächlich wurden Kürzungen und Änderungen vorgenommen, diese resultieren allerdings nicht in einer radikalen Restrukturierung des Wohlfahrtsstaates. Die zentralen Sozialleistungen wurden universalistischer, nicht zuletzt dank des steigenden Anteils von Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt. Auch die öffentliche Kinderbetreuung wurde eher ausgedehnt denn eingeschränkt. Dies belegt, dass es nach wie vor Spielraum für Politikdivergenz gibt. Selbst einer kleinen offenen Wirtschaft mit dem höchsten Budgetdefizit innerhalb der OECD in den 1990er Jahren war es möglich, das nationale Budget wieder unter Kontrolle zu bringen, ohne den Wohlfahrtsstaat abzubauen.' (Autorenreferat)