Women's role in political representation has been deeply studied in the administration and political literature, but scarcely researched from an employment point of view. Furthermore, there is a lack of attention to public employment in administrations, specifically municipalities, which are the closest public level to the citizenry. We claim women's employment in public administration presents similar characteristics to private employment—occupational segregation, wage gap, glass ceiling—despite being a traditional niche of protected employment for women in Europe and globally. This fact is contrary to what might be expected, from a guarantor of equality in the public sector.
Programa de Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales ; Línea de Investigación: Cambio Social y Políticas Públicas ; Clave Programa: DSO ; Código Línea: 55 ; La participación de las mujeres en la historia social y laboral ha sido tradicionalmente obviada y silenciada. La mención específica a las mujeres en la literatura académica en materia de relaciones laborales ha sido vicaria, principalmente a través de sus esposos, padres o hermanos, en términos generales y salvo excepciones, como actores secundarios. Esta falta de agencia atribuida social e históricamente hacia las mujeres se mantiene aún hoy. En el movimiento del sindical en España son muy escasas las mujeres visibles en posiciones de poder. Este hecho genera consecuencias negativas para el bienestar de las mujeres y sus derechos laborales, al no estar suficientemente representadas en los espacios de negociación colectiva. Así, es previsible que la situación de precariedad de las mujeres en el mercado laboral no mejore si no se dan unas condiciones más igualitarias en cuanto a la presencia y la toma de decisiones a nivel sindical. El objetivo principal de esta tesis es la visibilización, puesta en valor y el análisis de la participación de las mujeres en el mundo sindical, así como la recuperación y reivindicación del papel desarrollado por las mujeres en el movimiento obrero desde el tardofranquismo hasta la actualidad. El ámbito territorial en el que se desarrolla la investigación es el Marco de Jerez. Su representatividad, desde el punto de vista histórico y geográfico, de las dinámicas sociales, económicas y políticas ocurridas en el contexto nacional, hacen que el análisis del sindicalismo en el Marco de Jerez haya sido objeto de estudio previo en cuanto al movimiento sindical, por su industria bodeguera y producción industrial, así como su densa red de estructuras sindicales autónomas desde el periodo de clandestinidad en los años sesenta (Foweraker, 1991). Las referencias teóricas que sustentan el análisis de esta investigación doctoral se basan fundamentalmente en cuatro enfoques conceptuales que, tomados en conjunto, contribuyen a explicar la desigualdad de las mujeres en la sociedad y las organizaciones en general, y en el sindicalismo en particular. Se toma como autora preeminente a Joan Acker y el concepto de regímenes de desigualdad (Acker 2006b; Healy, Tatli, Ipek et al., 2018). Otros conceptos también perfilan el análisis teórico: la intereseccionalidad como teoría e instrumento mismo de análisis iniciado por Creenshaw (Davis, 2008; Nash 2008; Hebson y Holgate, 2009), el concepto masculinidad hegemónica de Raewyn Connell (1995), y la perspectiva Gramsciana y las identidades subalternas como sujetos de cambio político (Green, 2002; Danielli, 2006). Se examinan en esta tesis, en especial, las formas de participación, los repertorios de protesta, así como las diferencias fundamentales percibidas en cuanto al activismo de hombres y mujeres, los obstáculos a los que se han enfrentado y siguen enfrentando las mujeres para la integración plena en las organizaciones sindicales. Este análisis se ha llevado a cabo a través de una metodología cualitativa, haciendo uso del método biográfico, de las narrativas de mujeres sindicalistas de diverso espectro ideológico y pertenecientes a diferentes organizaciones sindicales en distintos momentos históricos: el Tardofranquismo, la Transición y la época actual, tanto en sectores profesionales feminizados como masculinizados. Durante el periodo estudiado, las mujeres han tenido protagonismo y un papel activo, tanto desde la perspectiva de las esposas de sindicalistas amas de casa implicadas en la militancia de sus maridos durante el tardofranquismo y la transición, como de sindicalistas trabajadoras en el mercado laboral visible y remunerado actual. A pesar de tener la misma motivación para la acción social y la militancia sindical que los hombres, los impedimentos básicos a la participación de las mujeres en el sindicalismo, siguen estando relacionados con el modelo masculino hegemónico como patrón universal de acceso al poder y toma de decisiones, tanto en el ámbito laboral como el sindical, espejo multiplicador de las desigualdades del mercado de trabajo. Las organizaciones sindicales, a pesar de los avances en materia de género y los cambios políticos, jurídicos y sociales, siguen respondiendo a la división sexual del trabajo, donde los fenómenos de infravaloración, infrarrepresentación, y de segregación horizontal y vertical, siguen siendo la dinámica general. Estas dinámicas están asociadas a necesidad imperiosa de conciliación por parte de las mujeres (que no de los hombres) de la vida laboral, sindical y familiar, donde los modelos de masculinidad imperantes desincentivan en términos generales, la participación de las mujeres. ; Women participation in social and labor history has traditionally been neglected and silenced. Specific mentions in labor relations academic literature has usually been vicar, mainly present through their husbands, fathers or bothers. In general terms and except for some rare occasions, as secondary actors. This social and historical attribution of lack of agency in women has been maintained until today. There are very few visible women in power positions in Trade Unions in Spain today. This fact produces negative consequences for women welfare and their labor rights, due to the insufficient representation in collective bargaining ambits. Thus, it is predictable that precarious labor market situation for women will not improve, unless equality conditions related to the presence and decision making in Trade Unions ameliorate The primary objective of this thesis is to make visible, emphasize and analyze the participation of women in Trade Unions, as well as to recover and vindicate the role played by women in workers¿ movement. The time frame of this research is from the late Francoism until now, and the geographical frame corresponds to the Sherry Area, in the South of Spain, in the province of Cádiz. The representativeness of this territory in labor movement has already been studied, as it responds to the national dynamics in terms of social, economic and political processes. At the same time, there are wide nets of autonomous unionism structures in the wine industry and the different productive and services sectors, since the decade of the sixties (Foweraker, 1991). The foundations of the theoretical frame that sustain this doctoral research are four conceptual approaches which contribute to explain, from diverse and complementary perspectives, the inequality of women in society and organizations in general, and particularly in Trade Unions. Joan Acker is taken as preeminent author and her conception of inequality regimes (Acker 2006b; Healy, Tatli, Ipek et al., 2018). Other approaches also shape the theoretical analysis: intersectionality as a theory and instrument itself, initiated by Creenshaw (Davis, 2008; Nash 2008; Hebson and Holgate, 2009); Raewyn Connell¿s concept of hegemonic masculinity, and finally the Gramscian approach and subaltern identities as subjects of political change. (Green, 2002; Danielli, 2006). This thesis specially examines the forms of participation, the protest repertories and the fundamental perceived differences regarding women and men activism. It also pays attention to the obstacles women had and have to face to fully integrate in labor organizations. This analysis has been developed with a qualitative methodology, using the ethnographic method and the narratives of women belonging to diverse ideological spectrum in different historic periods: the late Francoism, the Transition period and the present time, both in masculinized and feminized sectors. During these periods, women have had an active role and were main actors in the struggles, considering two separate perspectives: as wives of men unionists, involved in the militancy during late Francoism, and as women unionist workers in the visible and wage labor market. In spite of their motivation for social action and union activism being equal to that of men, the essential obstacles for women participation are still linked with the hegemonic masculine model as universal pattern to access to power and decision-making spaces. The Trade Union ambit is a multiplying mirror of labor market inequalities. Trade Unions still respond to a sexual division of work, where the phenomena of undervaluation, underrepresentation and horizontal and vertical segregation are general dynamics, in spite of social, political and legal changes in gender issues. These dynamics are associated to the imperative need for women (and not men) of balancing work, family and union life, where masculinity prevailing models discourage women participation. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla. Departamento de Sociología ; Postprint
PurposeThis paper aims to describe and explain women's labor participation in the public sector, particularly at the local level. The paper analyses the representation of women employees in the public sector through a case study of a city council in a mid-sized Spanish city. The authors delve into the extent of gender labor discrimination in public administration, exploring a diversity of situations, experiences, and perceptions of women workers in female, neutral, and male-dominated areas in the local administration.Design/methodology/approachThe authors have applied a combined methodology of quantitative analysis based on an exhaustive analysis of the list of job posts, and qualitative analysis from the narratives of women workers in biographical interviews, in women-dominated, neutral and male-dominated areas.FindingsThe authors conclude by providing a clear description of women's representation in local administration. Despite the institutional efforts in applying gender equality norms and public policies in administration, employment and labor market, this article shows the persistent inequality in employment within the administration. The paper demonstrates that public administrations can be seen as gender regimes that tend to reproduce inequality by formal and informal dynamics. This inequality gender reproduction in a supposedly gender-neutral administration reflects discrimination in a labor market. The paper details phenomena relating to horizontal occupational segregation, glass ceilings, sticky floors, and the undervaluing of women's work, among other phenomena.Practical implicationsThe administration should consider two essential factors that endanger gender equality: (1) the demonstrated regression of gender mainstreaming and the effects on women's employment as a consequence of the crisis, and (2) neoliberal governments and extreme right-wing parties (or neoliberal governments and extreme right-wing parties' support, as is the case with the current Andalusian regional government), whose agenda includes the fight against what neoliberal governments and extreme right-wing parties call "gender ideology".Social implicationsThe gap between the effectiveness of gender legislation and actual working practices within the administration has been highlighted. This fact should be a wake-up call for the administrations to strictly comply with gender legislation, given that local administrations are the closest to the citizens. Future research should focus on changes to detect any regression and to prevent losing the improvements already achieved, which can still be very much strengthened.Originality/valueThis article helps to fill the gap in the literature on gender discrimination in the labor market, which often omits the public sector, especially in local administration, which is the closest administrative structure to citizenship respecting public policies. The article contributes to highlighting the need for an egalitarian labor market in order to achieve optimal performance, commitment and efficiency in egalitarian labor relations in local administration.
Pese a los avances en materia de igualdad de género en la administración pública, la información disponible sobre la situación en aquellos sectores externalizados es insuficiente. A través de la mirada crítica de género a la visión managerialista y privatizadora de la Nueva Gestión Pública, este artículo pretende estudiar las relaciones de género y laborales en las empresas auxiliares de la administración municipal. A partir del estudio de caso de un municipio de la provincia de Cádiz, y empleando una metodología mixta, se analizan las principales desigualdades laborales entre hombres y mujeres en los servicios externalizados del ayuntamiento, así como las experiencias, percepciones y agencia de las mujeres. El estudio desvela la existencia de importantes desigualdades laborales por razón de género, que se manifiesta la segregación horizontal y vertical, pero también en diferencias salariales. El análisis cualitativo permite conocer los mecanismos informales detrás de estas dinámicas, asociadas a la desvalorización del trabajo femenino o las dificultades para la conciliación. Asimismo, se reconoce la agencia femenina ante esta doble situación de opresión (de clase y de género), que se manifiesta no sólo en la actividad sindical en sectores feminizados, sino también en casos de auto-organización de las mujeres en el interior de las estructuras sindicales.
AbstractThis article examines the evolution of the Autonomous Union of the Vine (Sindicato Autónomo de la Vid [SAVID]), a radical wine industry union that operated in the Jerez area (Spain) between 1979 and 1987. The SAVID was born as a result of a series of internal conflicts and splits in the trade union Unión Sindical Obrera (USO), which was founded by Christian groups that were influenced by self-management ideas in the province of Cádiz during the 1970s. Drawing on the life stories of two union members, this article analyzes the creation, evolution, and decline of the SAVID labor union of the sherry wine industry in the Jerez area, which can be categorized as a paradigmatic case of "militant particularism." The biographical narratives of the union members make the identification and analysis of factors involved in both the rise and the decline of this trade union possible. These narratives will also help in contesting the dominant narratives on the role of the trade union movement and the radical Left during the Spanish Transition by providing empirical evidence of labor militancy on a local scale.
AbstractThe article explores the childcare arrangements made by Spanish migrants in Belgium, Germany and the United Kingdom. The research is based on semi‐structured interviews conducted after an exploratory survey. The respondents, mostly women with university degrees, had engaged in intra‐European mobility between the economic recession of 2008 and the health crisis of 2020. In the narratives, women in dual‐career couples with young children reflect on how approaching work‐family balance depends on receiving social, institutional and family support. In addition, gender expectations affect negotiations around the sharing of roles and responsibilities in different‐sex couples. Interviewees underline that the gender divide persists or is even reinforced in relation to employment and technological change. Non‐standard and ‐flexible jobs, little access to services or incompatible teleworking with children at home reveal the fragility of care and welfare regimes and, consequently, the limited ability of couples to find satisfaction in the search for a work–family balance.
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la Unión Sindical Obrera en la provincia de Cádiz (España) durante los primeros años de Transición (1976-1981). Esta organización pasó en pocos años de ser la segunda fuerza sindical en España, detrás de Comisiones Obreras, a ocupar un papel secundario en la arena sindical. A partir de testimonios orales de sindicalistas en diferentes sectores industriales se reconstruyen los marcos, los dilemas y los conflictos internos de dicha organización sindical en el periodo que ha sido mencionado. Este análisis permite cubrir lagunas sobre una de las organizaciones sindicales que han sido menos estudiadas en la historiografía y en la sociología españolas. Asimismo, permite identificar los factores que han propiciado, históricamente, la hegemonía de los sindicatos mayoritarios a escala estatal. Finalmente, permite comprender cómo las representaciones sobre la autonomía sindical y el intercambio político juegan un papel importante en la configuración de la estrategia sindical en diferentes niveles. ; This article analyses the development of the Worker Labour Union in the province of Cádiz (Spain) during the first years of the Transition (1976-1981). This organisation passed in a few years from being the second most important trade union in Spain, after Workers Commissions, to play a secondary role in the labour arena. Drawing on oral testimonies of union organisers from different industries, the article reconstructs the frames, dilemmas and internal conflicts of this labour organisation during such a period. This analysis allows to fill in the historiographic and sociological gap about this trade union. In addition, it allows to identify the factors that have historically favoured the hegemony of the two Spanish major trade unions. Finally, the article contributes to understand how representations on trade union autonomy and political exchange play an important role in the making of trade union strategy at different scales.
