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Space science and technology (S & T) holds great potential for international scientific cooperation in the Arctic, especially concerning climate change. Space-based earth observation, navigation/positioning and communication is of great value to Arctic local and indigenous communities. Space-based S & T is also a prerequisite for development of Arctic shipping and natural resources. At the same time, space S & T in the Arctic holds dynamics, which may undermine Arctic and international stability and security. The Arctic houses key infrastructure for nuclear strategic stability, weapon systems, early warning, and ballistic missile defense. Arctic high latitudes provide significant advantages to space S & T with the potential for dual use. Space, which now underpins all societies, may become militarized. Strategic stability safeguards humanity. During the Cold War, there was an effective decision-making process mediated by game theory and modelling. However, new technologies, a far more complex multi-player, multi-nation environment and new space S & T reduce the effectiveness of traditional approaches. This research proposes to address the current intellectual vacuum by creating a clearer understanding of the parameters, players, technologies, and their interactions and develop a new and robust theoretical basis that will contribute in the longer term towards appropriate and balanced Arctic governance for achieving strategic stability and space security. This research will test the hypothesis that Arctic space S & T destabilizes strategic stability and space security. New theory, empirical overview, and modelling will provide a new intellectual basis for governance of Arctic space S & T for strategic stability and space security in the new era.

This article combines History (the discipline) research with International Relations (sub-discipline of Political Science, my point of departure) for transnational studies research on long-term developments of transnational professional relations between the USA/Europe and the Middle East and East Asia through missionary universities. American Protestant and French Catholic missionaries were important transnational intellectuals and professionals who founded universities in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These universities continue to educate generations of transnational professionals. The article seeks to contribute in particular to the transnational studies dimension of International Relations drawing on educational, social and cultural history.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Cultural and Social History on 13 Apr 2019, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/ https://doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2019.1595871 . ; This article combines History (the discipline) research with Inter national Relations (sub-discipline of Political Science, my point of departure) for transnational studies research on long-term develop- ments of transnational professional relations between the USA/ Europe and the Middle East and East Asia through missionary uni- versities. American Protestant and French Catholic missionaries were important transnational intellectuals and professionals who founded universities in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These universities continue to educate generations of transnational professionals. The article seeks to contribute in particular to the transnational studies dimension of International Relations drawing on educational, social and cultural history.

Intet resumé

Shared knowledge about globalization in the Arctic is driven, in part, by economic growth in Asia and by increasing interaction between Arctic communities and Asian academics, businesses, civil society organizations, and governments engaged in Arctic political, economic, and scientific development.1 Shared knowledge that is produced by Arctic communities and Asian actors is necessary for comprehensively sustainable development and for the realization of local benefits. We argue that there is a need to develop three kinds of shared knowledge between Arctic communities and Asian actors in the Arctic: knowledge in Arctic communities about globalization; knowledge about the Arctic among Asian actors; and knowledge cocreated by Arctic communities and Asian actors. In what follows, we discuss each of these areas, giving concrete examples from our research.

Chinese presence in the Nordic Arctic is increasing, but whereas many large-scale initiatives such as mining projects, trade deals or political alliances have yet to materialise, tourism encounters between Chinese visitors and Nordic Arctic communities are already happening. We use tourism as a lens and bring together perspectives and empirical examples from various disciplines, including international relations, international political economy, tourism studies, education and sustainable development studies, with the aim of broadening the existing knowledge on China–Nordic Arctic relations and encounters. We argue that these tourism encounters not only offer challenges and economic opportunity but also opportunities that go beyond economic gain, including community involvement, use of existing informal skills, development of formal skills and human capital. Additionally, we argue that Chinese tourism to the Nordic Arctic creates incentives to acquire global skills and knowledge necessary to ensure effective self-representation and benefits in an increasingly Asian-centred global economy. Finally, we find that Chinese tourism to the Nordic Arctic may offer a view into the future, as challenges associated with Chinese tourism in the Arctic North, may be an indication of what is to come, when potential mining projects, trade deals or political alliances start to materialise. ; Chinese presence in the Nordic Arctic is increasing, but whereas many large-scale initiatives such as mining projects, trade deals or political alliances have yet to materialise, tourism encounters between Chinese visitors and Nordic Arctic communities are already happening. We use tourism as a lens and bring together perspectives and empirical examples from various disciplines, including international relations, international political economy, tourism studies, education and sustainable development studies, with the aim of broadening the existing knowledge on China–Nordic Arctic relations and encounters. We argue that these tourism encounters not only offer challenges and economic opportunity but also opportunities that go beyond economic gain, including community involvement, use of existing informal skills, development of formal skills and human capital. Additionally, we argue that Chinese tourism to the Nordic Arctic creates incentives to acquire global skills and knowledge necessary to ensure effective self-representation and benefits in an increasingly Asian-centred global economy. Finally, we find that Chinese tourism to the Nordic Arctic may offer a view into the future, as challenges associated with Chinese tourism in the Arctic North, may be an indication of what is to come, when potential mining projects, trade deals or political alliances start to materialise.

Source: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2016.04.034 ; With a long view of the Arctic in international politics and economics, the paper discusses the effects of political and economic power transitions for the Arctic, focusing on Sino-Russian relations. The Arctic has in the last decade received new attention from new quarters of the world, especially Asian emerging powers, which reflects climate change and power transition/globalization. The focus here is on cases of cross-border exchanges in agriculture, raw materials, processed goods, energy and Arctic shipping. The chapter discusses how Sino-Russian relations in this region reflect general trends of Russia and China in a post-Cold War globalized international political and economic system. Russia for both domestic and international reasons struggles to find its post-Cold War position in the international political and economic system, which affects its place between the West and China. Russia's entire northern boundary is the Arctic, with the longest Arctic coastline of all five Arctic coastal states. To in any way relegate any parts of its Arctic marine area currently defined by the Law of Sea as its EEZ to any international or Chinese authority would diminish Russia's power. China has since the late 1970s experienced phenomenal economic growth, which is the strongest single driver of political and economic power transition in the international system. This power transition also defines China's relation to the Arctic and to Russia. China now terms itself a "near Arctic" nation, has previously described the Arctic as a common heritage of mankind, and seeks to further its influence in the Arctic.