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Refugee migration has increased considerably since the Second World War, and amounts to more than 50 million refugees. Only a minority of these refugees seek asylum, and even fewer resettle in developed countries. At the same time, politicians, the media, and the public are worried about a lack of economic integration. Refugees start at a lower employment and income level, but subsequently "catch up" to the level of family unification migrants. However, both refugees and family migrants do not "catch up" to the economic integration levels of labor migrants. A faster integration process would significantly benefit refugees and their new host countries.

For the first time since the Second World War, the total number of refugees amounts to more than 50 million people. Only a minority of these refugees seek asylum, and even fewer resettle in developed countries. At the same time, politicians, the media, and the public are worried about a lack of economic integration. Refugees start at a lower employment and income level, but subsequently "catch up" to the level of family unification migrants. However, both refugees and family migrants do not "catch up" to the economic integration levels of labor migrants. A faster integration process would significantly benefit refugees and their new host countries.

This article presents an exploration of the employment status of various groups of immigrant women in the Swedish labor market in the period 1970–1995. Since employment is one of the key components for the integration of immigrants, it is interesting to study what factors determine whether or not immigrants become employed after entering Sweden. Numerous studies have analyzed the labor market integration of immigrant men, whereas the integration of women still has received less attention (Ekberg, 1983, 1991; Hammarstedt, 2001; Scott, 1999). This study can be seen as a contribution to an increase in the knowledge of the labor market integration of female immigrants in Sweden.

Den "mångkulturella" samhället finns i Sverige om vi bara ser till på antalet utlandsfödda i förhållande till födda i Sverige. När vi däremotundersöker två viktiga mått på integration, sysselsättningsintegration och boendesegregation, visas tydligt att stora grupper av invandrare är marginaliserade i det svenska samhället. Sett ur detta perspektiv har den svenska integrationspolitiken misslyckats de senaste decennierna. Hur har denna situation uppkommit?Såväl invandringen som arbetsmarknadsintegrationen och boendemönstretav nyligen anlända immigranter har över tiden fått en förändrad karaktär. Majoriteten av invandrarna som kom till Sverige under de förstadecennierna efter andra världskriget var från de nordiska och de andra europeiska länderna. Invandrarna kom huvudsakligen på grund av ekonomiska skäl. I Sverige ändrades invandringspolitiken under slutet av1960-talet till stor del som en följd av påtryckningar från fackföreningsrörelsen(LO). En relativt liberal politik ersattes med en mer restriktiv politik som begränsade fri arbetskraftsinvandring från de icke-nordiskaländerna.Under senare delen av 1900-talet har interna konflikter, krig och geopolitiska förändringar lett till ett ökat antal flyktingar i världen. Invandringspolitiken gentemot flyktingar och familjeåterförening var fortfarande relativt liberal i Sverige under denna period. Detta innebar att de flesta invandrare som kom till Sverige på 1970-talet, men framförallt under1980- och 1990-talen var flyktingar från Östeuropa och icke-europeiska länder och familjer från tidigare invandrade flyktingar och arbetskraftsinvandrare.Statistiken visar att familjeåterförenare och flyktingar står för vardera hälften av dem som har fått uppehållstillstånd de senaste decennierna.Den ekonomiska krisen under första halvan av 1990-talet samt den dramatiska ökningen av asylsökare under samma period gjorde att flyktingpolitikenskärptes. Sveriges integrationspolitik förändrades också med tiden och är sedanmitten av 1970-talet baserad på kulturell pluralism och på ...

This chapter describes current changes in migration flows and politics in Sweden, before presenting and discussing the reactions to these changes in civil society – the mobilization of both pro- and anti-migration sentiments – which reflect the polarized sentiments towards immigration in Swedish society.First, this report conveys information about migration flows to Sweden before, during and after the refugee reception crisis of 2015. In 2016 in particular, Sweden had a major intake of asylum seekers, which prompted new legislative measures to manage this. Second, we emphasize transformations in the party-political landscape before, during and after the refugee reception crisis of 2015. In this period there was also a rhetorical shift in mainstream politics, heralding an emphasis on security in order to protect the Swedish model. The mainstream-right bloc was also split in two. Third, we study the actions and reactions in response to these changes in civil society. The everyday experiences of problems with integration stand in contrast with international norms of solidarity. We conclude that the crisis enabled a window of opportunity for the mobilization of both pro- and anti-migration sentiments in civil society.

In this article, we analyse the connection between media exposure and opinion polls for political parties or "the media influence". We compare two parliamentary periods in Sweden: 2006–2010 and 2010–2014. Our results show that the media is important for the anti-immigration party, the Sweden Democrats (SD) in the first period. This is not the case, or at least less so, for the other parliamentary parties. In the second period, media exposure wanes in importance for explaining poll fluctuations as well as shifts from national to regional media for the Sweden Democrats. These findings are in consonance with previous research which underlines that the media´s influence on electoral performance differs before and after the party has crossed the electoral threshold to the national parliament.