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"Introduction CHAPTER ONE R v Prince 1875: Constraining Carnality CHAPTER TWO R v Coney, Gilliam and Tully 1881-2: Civilising Combatants and Limiting Lawlessness CHAPTER THREE R v Dudley and Stephens 1884: Subduing the Savage CHAPTER FOUR R v Clarence 1888: Supervising Sex CHAPTER FIVE R v Jackson 1891: Dictating Dominion CONCLUDING THOUGHTS INDEX"--

This article analyses constructions of English manhood during the First World War. As such, it focuses upon cultural representations of masculinity rather the lived experiences of particular men. Such portrayals can have great social power when they gain a widespread cultural currency - not least in the impact they can have upon the lives of individuals. The central purpose is to consider the depiction of the conscientious objector to military service. Once conscription was introduced, objectors became a legally recognized category of men and special statutory provision was made for those who were deemed to be `genuine'. Despite the legitimacy that this might have granted, all objectors (whether recognized as genuine or not), along with those who defended their stance, came to be despised and rejected as deviant. Their story, as presented here, is a study of the construction and contestation of deviance (in terms of both gender and Englishness), yet in this version of the deviant the role of law is a relatively minor one.

Over the last 30 or so years the problem of violence against women and how states should respond to it, in its myriad of forms, has become increasingly prevalent in academic and policy debates at both the national and international level. An active international women's movement, spanning Europe, the United States and many parts of the Southern hemisphere, including in particular Latin America and South Asia, has facilitated this growing awareness of gendered violence as a social problem requiring intervention. In a separate, but ultimately related, development there has been a growing global concern with extending human rights protection to women as a distinct group with specific concerns and needs. As a consequence of these twin developments, the tendency for gendered violence to be seen as an essentially private affair requiring limited state interfe-rence has slowly, but increasingly, been superseded by the recognition that the state has been failing victims.