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An original account of contemporary US-Latin American relations, this book utilises neo-Gramscian and historical materialist approaches to build a novel conceptual framework for analysing US hegemony, extending critical theory in new and exciting directions. It disaggregates US power into distinct forms (structural, coercive, institutional and ideological) to convincingly argue that the United States is remaking its hegemony in the Western hemisphere. The first decade of the new century saw the ascendancy of leftist and centre-left forces in Latin America. The emergence and consolidation of the 'New Latin Left' signalled a profound challenge to the long-standing hegemony of the United States in the region. This book details the ways in which US foreign policy responded: defining hegemony as a dialectical relationship patterned by multiple and overlapping forms of power, it situates US policy in the context of the Post-Washington Consensus. Making considerable use of confidential diplomatic cables published by Wikileaks, it examines the interplay of different facets of US hegemony, which are inextricably bound up in the neoliberalisation of the region's political economy. This book brings clarity to what remains an open and contested process of hegemonic reconstitution, and promises to be of interest to scholars working in a number of overlapping subject areas, including International Relations (IR), US foreign policy and Latin American studies.

ABSTRACTThis article examines change and continuity in the United States' recent foreign policy toward Cuba. In the context of the posthegemonic regionalism of the Pink Tide and regional disputes over Cuba's position in the interamerican system, the Obama administration's rapprochement was driven to protect the institutional power and consensual features of U.S. hegemony in the Americas. The Trump administration reversed aspects of Obama's normalization policy, adopting a more coercive approach to Cuba and to Latin America more broadly. Against the emerging scholarly proposition that the international relations of the Americas have crossed a posthegemonic threshold, this analysis utilizes a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that the oscillations in U.S. Cuba policy represent strategic shifts in a broader process of hegemonic reconstitution. The article thus situates U.S. policy toward Cuba in regional structures, institutions, and dynamics.

What is the role of 'populism' in Donald Trump's foreign policy? Defining populism as a framing style that constructs antagonisms around 'the people' and their adversaries, this article explores Trump's rhetoric in relation to his efforts to shift US grand strategy away from its traditional investment in the liberal international order. Based on an approach grounded in the ontological commitments of critical discourse analysis, it examines three interlocking frames: (1) the 'corrupt' elites of the establishment 'swamp'; (2) the anti-globalist, 'America first' agenda; and (3) poor deal-making responsible for the United States 'losing' in international affairs. In responding to declinist themes and anxieties, Trump's populist rhetoric frames a Jacksonian ideological approach based on nationalism, mercantilism and a reliance on coercive power.

"The Americas in the Trans-Pacific Partnership" published on by Oxford University Press.

The nascent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement puts the United States at the center of an expanding liberalization regime connecting the Americas to the Asia-Pacific region. U.S. power is bound up with the globalization of Latin America's political economy, and the TPP is indicative of U.S. efforts to renew its hegemony in the region. It reinforces the importance of "free trade" on the post–Washington Consensus agenda, undercutting existing Latin American–led approaches to integration while responding to China's growing influence in the hemisphere. As the free-trade consensus is reconstructed through the TPP process, U.S. hegemony in the Americas is potentially extended even as it continues to face challenges in the structural, institutional, and ideological dimensions of intrahemispheric affairs.El naciente Acuerdo Transpacífico de Cooperación Económica (TPP) coloca a Estados Unidos al centro de un régimen de liberalización en expansión que conecta a las Américas con la región Asia-Pacífico. El poder estadunidense está vinculado a la globalización de la economía política latinoamericana, y el TPP es indicativo de los esfuerzos de Estados Unidos por renovar su hegemonía en la región. Refuerza la importancia del "libre comercio" en la agenda establecida después del Consenso de Washington, socavando los intentos latinoamericanos de integración regional mientras responde a la creciente influencia de China en el hemisferio. La hegemonía estadunidense crece potencialmente en el continente americano conforme se reconstruye un consenso de libre comercio a través del proceso del TPP. Al mismo tiempo, continúa afrontando retos estructurales, institucionales e ideológicos en las relaciones intrahemisféricas.

This chapter introduces security cooperation as a tool of remote warfare, both in a general sense and in the specific case of US counterterrorism operations in the Horn of Africa. We argue that there is a twin security/strategic logic to its use: it functions to build the capacity of foreign security forces to deny terrorist organisations safe havens within their own borders or region; and to help secure American access to bases, airspace and foreign security personnel, 'thicken' political partnerships with overseas governments and to create new patterns of cooperation, influence and leverage.

AbstractMore than two decades after the 9/11 attacks, the militarised approach to counterterrorism initiated by the George W. Bush Administration remains firmly in place. Growing frustration with these actions has prompted debates on 'forever war'. This article traces the origins of 'forever war' to the interplay of neoconservatism and conservative nationalism in the George W. Bush Administration, which aimed at preserving American primacy through the cultivation of overwhelming military power. The Administration's support for the revolution in military affairs contributed to the development of a more remote counterterrorism approach, which helps explain the continuities in US counterterrorism policies across the latter Bush administration as well as the Obama and Trump presidencies. By helping embed a 'common sense' understanding that further 9/11-style attacks could only be prevented by enduring and aggressive military action against transnational terrorist organisations, neoconservatism shaped the evolution of American counterterrorism policy. The specific influence of neoconservatism must be qualified and contextualised, however, because the strategic commitment to primacy had wider support within the Bush Administration.