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Civic innovation is about focusing on what is positive, creative and imaginative in the face of a world that seems beset by crisis narratives. In exploring the term civic innovation, as it is used in Development Studies, we are not looking for a new theory and practice that will lead to a grand transformation of neoliberal capitalism but rather at how to build a mosaic of responses by looking at what is happening on the ground where people are living the contradictions of development. It is argued that we need to question pre-determined ideas of what measures to take and go beyond universal policy solutions, in order to look with openness at the actions on the ground. In that sense, civic innovation can be perceived as the 'political sister ' of social innovation as it directly assesses dominant power relations. The paper explores a different and trans-disciplinary approach to researching change: by descending from the academic ivory tower, respecting and deploying multiple knowledges for civic innovation, as well as approaching change with the ideas and tools of Participatory Action Research. Examples from knowledge dialogues with Central American social movements are used to explore this methodology further, including the downsides and the dilemmas. The paper concludes that carefully planned dialogues, reflexivity of facilitators, and awareness about potential power issues are probably key features of a knowledge generation process that may embody progressive social change.

Introduction The research conducted by the FGV about international cooperation and the architecture of funding for Brazilian Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) (CEAPG & ARTICULAÇÃO D3, 2013) generated significant results. These provide us with a better understanding about the national and global changes that have rapidly affected the development of civil society organizations in Brazil. The results broadly confirm the findings of research conducted a few years ago into changes, over past decades, in the direction of nongovernment aid flows within Latin America (BIEKART, 2005). We should note that, compared to its neighbouring countries, since the 1980s, Brazil has been recognized as the country that receives the most funding from all the private European aid agencies, followed (at some distance), by Peru (and, after 2002, by Bolivia). This finding serves to support the belief that the current retraction of international non-government aid flows to Brazil is actually a relatively recent phenomenon. This chapter intends to comment on the results of research about "international cooperation", primarily by providing a brief overview of the changing international context within which such results should be analysed. For a better understanding of the global context, we will identify a series of current trends in debates about global policy and international cooperation. These developments also have implications for international donor NGOs, which we will discuss in the second part of the chapter. The third section explores the implications for Brazilian civil society organizations and considers how this so-called "retraction" affects future prospects. Finally, we present some suggestions about the potential future challenges for Brazilian civil society organizations within their current context.

__Abstract__ Review Essay. In the 1970s and 1980s, Central America was associated with military governments, revolutionary movements, civil war, extreme inequality, and authoritarianism in the 'backyard' of the United States. Broad social mobilizations and political repression

Introducción: Durante la década pasada han tenido lugar en América latina algunos cambios que han afectado gradualmente las prioridades y las políticas de ayuda de la comunidad internacional de donantes. El impacto de la globalización, la crisis de la ortodoxia neoliberal (véase la crisis del

__Abstract__ Dit paper over Nederlandse maatschappelijke organisaties beperkt zich tot de gesubsidieerde particuliere organisaties binnen de internationale samenwerking voor ontwikkeling (OS). De rol van het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken (Buza) is van grote invloed geweest op de professionalisering en de beleidskeuzes van de particuliere OS-sector. Nu subsidiering steeds meer onder vuur ligt, zoeken ontwikkelingsorganisaties hun heil op de charimarkt dan wel op de zakelijke markt. Dit lijkt ons de weg van de minste weerstand; het leidt bovendien af van de kern en de meerwaarde van hun mandaat. Ontwikkelingsorganisaties doen er beter aan anticyclisch te denken en hun oorspronkelijke politieke opdracht te hervinden: weerwerk bieden, misstanden aan de kaak stellen en oplossingen zoeken in de verbinding tussen mondiale problemen en de Nederlandse samenleving. Dat kun je niet aan de markt overlaten. Wij zijn dan ook van mening dat de overheid dit ruimhartig moet subsidieren, en dat ontwikkelingsorganisaties daarvoor moeten gaan vechten.

Professor Robert Chambers is a Research Associate at the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex (Brighton, UK), where he has been based for the last 40 years, including as Professorial Research Fellow. He became involved in the field of development management in the 1970s, writing, editing and co-editing several books on land settlement schemes in Africa and on rural development management more broadly. This drew on a dozen years of experience as an administrator, trainer and researcher in Africa (mostly Kenya). Later he worked in India as a researcher and networker during three periods in the 1970s, 80s and 90s. Over the years his focus and work moved on to irrigation management, and then to approaches and methods in research and for participatory development and practice, both writing about these and acting as a leading figure in the associated global knowledge networks and communities of practice. Chambers has worked in and with training institutes (Kenya Institute of Administration, East African Staff College, Administrative Staff College of India), research organizations (IIED), universities (IDS Sussex and IDS Nairobi), civil society (ActionAid and the Ford Foundation) and governmental and intergovernmental organizations (Government of Kenya and UNHCR). He has himself or with others written or edited sixteen books and numerous articles on development management, participatory approaches and methods, and critical reflections on development practice and development studies. The book that made him famous is entitled Rural Development: Putting the Last First (published in 1983). In his latest book, Provocations for Development (2012) he again aims to disturb some conventional development ideas and practices, and to put forward his own ideas to be tested and improved. Overall, his career is marked by a spirit of innovation and collaboration, listening and self-criticism. He has received three honorary doctorates in the United Kingdom, and will be receiving a Doctor Honoris Causa from Erasmus University Rotterdam (EUR) at its centennial celebration in 2013.

The nature and dynamics of ownership are often neglected features of multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs). Seventeen cases in four countries illustrate characteristics of narrow government or broad societal ownership and forces for change over time. Refinements to the application of Gaventa's Power Cube are used to analyse such shifts from the perspective of invited and closed spaces for participation. Observations about ways in which stakeholder groups can create a more enabling environment for their collaboration are discussed. Sensitivity to sub-national conditions by weaving endogenous and exogenous forces appears to be crucial if MSIs are to be effective vehicles of choice for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals.

A global growth in the middle class is anticipated to influence development choices and the evolution of domestic polities associated with a 'rising' South. Responding to the local effects of a multipolar world order will add to a citizen's existing need to navigate national polycentrism. Exploration of this citizen-centric phenomenon introduces a new, comprehensive analytic framework that combines public with private governance, the latter categorised as modern, traditional and virtual. These categories are used to compare and contrast events of mass activism in Brazil and Turkey. It is argued that electronically networked agency played a significant role in people's navigation involving scale, mobilization and self-organisation. In addition, a polycentric analysis suggests that a stronger middle class 'voice' for public accountability may be offset by processes that privatise domestic governance, reflecting what is happening internationally. Une croissance mondiale dans la classe moyenne est supposée influencer les choix de la coopération au développement et l'évolution des systèmes politiques nationaux associés à un Sud « montant». Le besoin de répondre aux effets locaux d'un ordre mondial multipolaire s'ajoutera à la nécessité actuelle pour un citoyen d'évoluer dans un contexte de polycentrisme national. L'exploration de ce phénomène centré sur le citoyen introduit un nouveau cadre analytique complet qui combine gouvernance publique et privée, cette dernière étant classée comme moderne traditionnelle et virtuelle. Ces catégories sont utilisées pour comparer et contraster les événements d'activisme de masse au Brésil et en Turquie. Il est soutenu que la possession d'un vaste réseau électronique joue un rôle important dans la capacité des gens à évoluer dans ce contexte, telle que la mise à l'échelle, la mobilisation et l'auto-organisation. En outre, une analyse polycentrique suggère qu'une mobilisation plus forte de la classe moyenne en faveur d'une responsabilité publique peut être annulée par des procédés qui privatisent la gouvernance nationale, reflétant ce qui se passe à l'échelle internationale.

Politics is central to development discourse, yet remains peripheral. Over some twenty years, a civil-society narrative has not fulfilled its potential to 'bring politics back in'. Reasons can be found in conceptual confusion, in selectivity in donor thinking, in policies towards civil society and in the growth-driven political economy of NGO-ism. Remedies for the political lacunae are being sought through a focus on rights, citizenship and leadership that show valuable focused progress. This article examines a comprehensive complement to such efforts referred to as civic-driven change (CDC). Originating in a grounded empirical approach, the constituent principles and elements of CDC offer a lens that can both sharpen and deepen insights and advance analysis of socio-political processes. © The Authors 2013. Development Policy Review

The waves of civic activism unfolding since late 2010 at a global level are striking. In major cities of the world, streets and squares have been filled with self-organized citizens demanding attention for social and political rights. The protest images have been televised, downloaded and quickly distributed - seemingly diverse sites and types of activisms being rapidly connected and speaking to each other. Does this scale and momentum signal a tipping point in a 'globalization of disaffection'? Are we witnessing the emergence of a new age-cohort of activists, similar to the '1968 generation'? What were the common elements, and what energy was driving the activisms of the squares and the blog spots? This Introduction to the Forum Debate section will try to position the notion of 'Activisms 2010+' in terms of its nature and relevance to current debates about citizen-led socio-political change. We argue that contemporary activisms constitute a distinct shift in the character of civic engagement as they surf on waves created by the increased availability and use of social media, and by a common set of rights-based demands.

Nation states are premised on the legitimizing presence of a polity comprised of citizens. The politics of this relationship is central to discourse on how societies evolve. Yet in the discipline of international development studies the topic remains peripheral. Reasons can be found in conceptual confusion, in selectivity in donor thinking and policies towards civil society and in the growth-driven political economy of NGO-ism. Remedies for the political lacunae are being sought through a concerted focus on people's rights, citizenship and qualities of leadership that all show valuable progress. This chapter will examine a comprehensive complement to such efforts referred to as civic driven change (CDC). Originating in a grounded empirical approach, the constituent principles and elements of CDC offer a lens that can both sharpen and deepen insights and advance analysis of civic agency in socio-political processes. As an ontologically grounded normative proposition, CDC allows exposure and examination of 'uncivil' forces stemming from contending claims on citizenship. These factors are typically ignored or denied in an historical harmony model of societal change. A CDC narrative is illustrated by reference to contemporary examples of citizen action that play out at multiple sites of governance.

Setting Setting Setting Setting thethethe scene scene How can the current wave of social protests be understood? Well, one thing that the Arab Spring, the London riots, the Chilean student revolt and the Occupy movement worldwide have in common is that they are not run by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or 'aided' civil society groups dedicated to justice for people and planet. Their driving force seems to originate from people's energy and imagination of a different future that is not determined by 'outsiders'. In spontaneous protest, people in all walks of life are acting as political players to shape the world they share with others. While results obviously take time to unfold, this way of changing society is very visible, exciting and risky. Less noticeable, but more pervasive, are the ways in which day in day out people are getting together to creatively improve the conditions in which they live, sometimes in wider collaboration, sometimes in conflict. This vital, quiet, slow and dense fabric of social and political life is often overlooked. Instead, attention is focused on social arrangements that can be labelled, registered, counted and 'governed' and on citizen action which attracts (brief) media attention.

Abstract Politics is central to development discourse yet remains peripheral. And, over some twenty years, a civil society narrative has not fulfilled its potential to 'bring politics back in'. Reasons can be found in conceptual confusion, in selectivity in donor thinking and policies towards civil society and in the growth-driven political economy of NGO-ism. Remedies for the political lacunae are being sought through a focus on rights, citizenship and leadership that show valuable, focused progress. This article examines a comprehensive complement to such efforts referred to as civic driven change (CDC). Originating in a grounded empirical approach, the constituent principles and elements of CDC offer a lens that can both sharpen and deepen insights and advance analysis of socio-political processes. As a work in progress, a CDC narrative is illustrated by reference to contemporary examples of citizen action that play out at multiple sites of governance.

Politics is central to development discourse, yet remains peripheral. And, over some twenty years, a civil society narrative has not fulfilled its potential to 'bring politics back in'. Reasons can be found in conceptual confusion, in selectivity in donor thinking and policies towards civil society and in the growth-driven political economy of NGO-ism. Remedies for the political lacunae are being sought through a focus on rights, citizenship and leadership that show valuable, focused progress.This paper examines a comprehensive complement to such efforts referred to as civic driven change (CDC). Originating in a grounded empirical approach, the constituent principles and elements of CDC offer a lens that can both sharpen and deepen insights and advance analysis of socio-political processes. As a work in progress, a CDC narrative is illustrated by reference to contemporary examples of citizen action that play out at multiple sites of governance.

Background The CDC initiative started from a conviction that the mix and nature of today's global problems requires a wider range of solutions than those coming from government and market. A missing story is one of people themselves acting as citizens to change the society they live in, not as needy beneficiaries, participants, political clients or economic producers and consumers, but as agents of their own future. Finding out what such a story might look like has been the guiding objective for the core group of ten internationally recognized practitioners, analysts and writers. But the CDC story arising from their work is a starting point for a much bigger task. This is to take forward the challenge of promoting a public debate about the role of citizens - from all walks of life and active in civil society organizations and other spheres - to explore ways in which international cooperation can embrace a different approach to development.