Suchergebnisse

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms? ; The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

El artículo presenta un recorrido por la obra de Ernesto Laclau para vincular dos elementos que se plantean como distintivos en su propuesta política: por una lado, su idea de política radical como el "fin de la emancipación" para dar paso a la posibilidad de emancipaciones, en plural, y por otro lado, su noción de populismo. En este sentido, se interroga si ambas propuestas acaso no resultan inconsistentes al estar aunadas en un mismo marco teórico. Para responder a esto la autora reconsidera la categoría de demanda, en la cual, además de distinguirse entre demandas populares y democráticas, como sostiene Laclau, se examina si revisten (o no) un carácter radical. La demanda radical sería aquella que encierra una reivindicación igualitaria. Así, el populismo puede volverse la forma de la política radical siempre que articule demandas emancipatorias de distinta índole desatando un movimiento anti statu quo en pos de la reivindicación igualitaria. A lo largo del texto se presenta, en primer lugar, una escueta referencia biográfica de Laclau en relación con su militancia política para pasar, en segundo lugar, a los argumentos generales que llevaron a Laclau y a Mouffe a radicalizar las propuestas de Antonio Gramsci y Louis Althusser –que desembocaron en la ruptura posmarxista– y, en tercer lugar, a la elaboración teórica de Laclau sobre el populismo en función de la noción de emancipaciones. Sobre este último punto se formulan algunas variaciones respecto de la categoría de "demanda". ; This article presents a review of Ernesto Laclau's work aimed at relating two aspects that are considered distinctive of his political approach: on the one hand, his notion of radical politics as "the end of emancipation" to be replaced by the prospect of emancipations –in plural– and, on the other hand, the notion of populism. In this sense, the text raises the question whether these two elements are possible within the same theoretical framework. The answer comes through a reconsideration of the category of "demand", which should not be only distinguished as popular or democratic demand, but also as radical (or not radical). A radical demand would be one which involves an egalitarian claim. Therefore, radical populisms would be those that articulate different emancipatory demands unleashing an anti statu quo movement in an egalitarian sense. Throughout the text we develop, first, a brief biographical review of Laclau in relation to his political militancy; next, the overall arguments that led Laclau and Mouffe to radicalize the views of Antonio Gramsci and Louis Althusser –which led to the post-Marxist rupture– and, thirdly, a theoretical elaboration of Laclau's view of populism in terms of the notion of emancipations. Concerning the latter, some variations are developed as to the category of "demand. ; Fil: Biglieri, Paula Andrea. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios e Investigación de América Latina; Argentina

Ernesto Laclau was the philosopher whose theoretical intervention made a difference: it opened a whole path to a new kind of emancipationist thought that reoriented the political leftist position. His text, written together with Chantal Mouffe –Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics first published in English in 1985–, gave birth to what has been known as Post-Marxism. Hegemony was crucial for the left because it was against the overwhelming conservative current which was delighted celebrating the failure of the socialist project and with it the unsuccessfulness of the Marxist theory. In an enormous gesture –that could be interpreted as a work over their Marxist heritage– they deconstruted Marxist theory in such a vast way that they ended up disintegrating its foundations. However, they persisted in the idea of social change and antagonism but this time without any possibility of reaching a dialectical resolution. ; Fil: Biglieri, Paula Andrea. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios e Investigación de América Latina; Argentina

El artículo presenta una interpretación sobre la aprobación de la ley de matrimonio igualitario en la Argentina en el contexto de la articulación populista del kirchnerismo. Para ello apela a la noción de emancipación –sobre la cual se presenta un recorrido teórico- para trabajar la hipótesis de que el kirchnerismo se ofrece como superficie de inscripción de prácticas emancipatorias y estudiar la estrategia del movimiento LGBT a partir de dos elementos clave: a) haber pensado al Estado como espacio válido de la lucha política emancipatoria y b) haber logrado que la demanda particular de un determinado grupo subalterno se convirtiera en una demanda popular. ; This article offers an interpretation on the approval of the equal rights marriage law in Argentina, in the context of the "kirchnerist" populist approach. Therefore, it appeals to the notion of emancipation –on which theoretical background is offered– in order to build on the hypothesis that "kirchnerism" presents itself as a platform for emancipatory practices, and to study the GLBT movement's strategy from two of its key moves: a) thinking about the government as a valid space for political emancipatory struggles and b) turning the particular demand of one given entry-level worker into a popular demand. ; Fil: Biglieri, Paula Andrea. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Escuela de Humanidades. Centro de Estudios del Discurso y las Identidades Sociopolíticas; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Gramsci, Althusser, Foucault, and Derrida had all served as precedents of Laclau´s work. However, although Laclau liked to say that he was neither a "Freudian" nor a "Lacanian", but a "Laclausian", the key to his theoretical development lies in its psychoanalytic dimension. In this paper we therefore propose to address the centrality of psychoanalysis in the work of Laclau, from the notion of the subject that is internal to Freud´s developments. We know that throughout his work, from 1895-1939, Freud never explicitly addressed the question of the subject. If anything, he did so in a colloquial manner. However, an interpretation can be developed of what the notion of the subject entails in its relation to the development of his psychoanalytic theory. With respect to Laclau´s work, we consider that there are essentially three key Freudian texts at stake: On Narcissism: An Introduction, The Dream Work, and Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. At times addressed directly by Laclau, and at times more surreptitiously, these texts show us Freud´s fundamental assumptions regarding the concept of identity, which are essential when considering Laclau´s way of thinking about politics. Here we will present a "Laclausian" reading of the three Freudian texts in question. Our interpretation is that they plot a course around the notion of the subject, which Laclau then carries to a radical proposition: locating psychoanalysis in the place where philosophy had traditionally placed ontology, that is, to propose psychoanalysis as a general ontology. ; Fil: Biglieri, Paula Andrea. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios e Investigación de América Latina; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Perelló, Gloria. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios e Investigación de América Latina; Argentina