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"Since the 1960s, the number of immigrants living in liberal democracies has been steadily rising. Despite the existence of numerous studies on social, economic, and geographic integration, few books have addressed the integration of immigrants into the politics of their host countries. When it comes to politics, are immigrants just ordinary citizens? This edited collection considers the political integration of immigrants in a number of liberal democracies. Just Ordinary Citizens? offers a behavioural perspective on the political integration of immigrants, describing and analysing the relationships that immigrants develop with politics in their host countries. The chapters provide both unique national insights and a comparative perspective on the national case studies, while editor Antoine Bilodeau offers both a framework within which to understand these examples and a systematic review of more than 300 studies of immigrant political integration from the last sixty years."--

This study examines the participation of immigrant women in political surveys in Canada as a form of political participation. Investigating immigrant women's participation in the various components of the Canadian Election Studies, this study highlights the structuring impact of pre-migration experiences with gender inequalities from two different perspectives. The larger the gender inequalities in immigrant women's country of origin, the lower their retention rate to the post-election surveys, and the greater their propensity to provide non-responses to political survey-items. This study contributes to a better understanding of immigrant political integration and the related impact of pre-migration experiences.

RésuméCette étude examine l'hypothèse qu'il existe un lien entre l'usage de la langue française chez les néo-Québécois et leurs relations aux communautés politiques québécoise et canadienne. L'étude examine séparément la première et la seconde génération de néo-Québécois appartenant à une minorité visible. Conformément aux autres études sur le sujet, la présente recherche montre qu'un plus grand usage du français est associé à une plus forte préférence pour la communauté politique québécoise. L'étude suggère également que la fréquentation de l'école francophone est associée à une plus forte préférence pour la communauté politique québécoise. Dans les deux cas, les relations sont observées autant chez la première que chez la seconde génération. Néanmoins, les résultats montrent que même lorsqu'ils ont fréquenté l'école francophone et qu'ils font usage de la langue française dans leur vie quotidienne, les néo-Québécois affichent une préférence pour la communauté politique québécoise plus faible que celle observée chez la population majoritaire francophone.

One strategy used to increase response rates when using mail questionnaires is to prolong the period of data collection. This paper examines the consequences of such a strategy on the Australian Election Studies (1996-2004). The findings suggest that such a strategy has both positive and negative consequences on the overall quality of the survey. On the one hand, prolonging the period of data collection decreases the non-response error by providing a somewhat better representation of hard-to-reach groups of respondents such as the young, full-time employed, and those disinterested in politics. On the other hand, prolonging the period of data collection increases the risk of measurement error. The evidence suggests that post-election events significantly impact on respondents' political opinions. More specifically, the longer respondents wait to return their questionnaire after the elections the more positive their opinions of winning leaders, the more negative their opinions of defeated leaders and the more distant they feel with the policies of defeated parties. Australian investigators thus face a dilemma in deciding when to stop the fieldwork period for their mail election surveys: they must choose between non-response error and measurement error.

One strategy used to increase response rates when using mail questionnaires is to prolong the period of data collection. This paper examines the consequences of such a strategy on the Australian Election Studies (1996-2004). The findings suggest that such a strategy has both positive and negative consequences on the overall quality of the survey. On the one hand, prolonging the period of data collection decreases the non-response error by providing a somewhat better representation of hard-to-reach groups of respondents such as the young, full-time employed, and those disinterested in politics. On the other hand, prolonging the period of data collection increases the risk of measurement error. The evidence suggests that post-election events significantly impact on respondents' political opinions. More specifically, the longer respondents wait to return their questionnaire after the elections the more positive their opinions of winning leaders, the more negative their opinions of defeated leaders and the more distant they feel with the policies of defeated parties. Australian investigators thus face a dilemma in deciding when to stop the fieldwork period for their mail election surveys: they must choose between non-response error and measurement error.

This article borrows from the literature on transitional democracies to examine levels of support for democracy and non-democratic alternatives among immigrants travelling from partly and non-democratic countries to Canada. It evaluates how immigrants who grew up under authoritarian rule come to adapt to democracy. The findings indicate that immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries experience tensions in their adaptation to democracy, expressing strong democratic desires but also manifesting what could be interpreted as lasting imprints of their socialization under authoritarian rule. Immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries exhibit strong support for democracy (they almost all believe it is a good form of government, the best one, and understand democracy in broadly similar terms as the rest of the population). Yet, if democracy is the main game in town for the immigrants, it is not the only one; immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries are significantly more likely than people socialized in a democratic political system to support other forms of governments that are non-democratic. The article thus argues for the lasting impact of authoritarianism on people's democratic outlooks despite the presence of strong democratic desires. Adapted from the source document.

This paper investigates whether immigrants in Australia residing in situations of residential segregation (federal constituencies with high concentrations of immigrants) participate more in electoral politics than other immigrants. The results indicate that immigrants participate more when living in federal constituencies with high concentrations of immigrants and also exhibit greater homogeneity in their partisan preferences. The analysis also indicates that the impact of residential segregation is primarily observed among immigrants from non-English-speaking countries. Immigrants from visible minority background, such as those from South East Asia as well as those from Southern and South Eastern Europe, tend to be more strongly affected by the ethnic composition of their constituencies than other immigrants such as those from the United Kingdom and Ireland.