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Men's multiple sexual partnerships contribute to the spread of HIV in sub‐Saharan Africa, but the social determinants of these relationships remain poorly understood. Prevailing wisdom suggests that men's institutionalized authority over women and their control of economic resources are key facilitators of multiple partnerships in this region. Men's exposure to or freedom from social control mechanisms embedded in family and village life may also play a role. This article provides insight into these issues by examining sociodemographic correlates of men's multiple sexual partnerships using data from recent Demographic and Health Surveys in 15 sub‐Saharan African countries. The prevalence of self‐reported multiple partnerships varies widely among countries. Sociodemographic patterns of such partnerships confirm the importance of men's control of economic resources and suggest that men's freedom from social control mechanisms may be more important than their authority over their wives.

AbstractAs one of his first acts as President of the United States, Donald Trump signed an executive order reinstating a version of the global gag rule. Under this rule, US grantees are barred from receiving global health funding if they engage in abortion‐related work: not only abortion services, but also abortion referrals and counseling or advocacy for the liberalization of abortion laws. Critics of the Trump global gag rule generally raise three classes of objections: (1) that the rule fails to accomplish its presumed objective of reducing the number of abortions; (2) that it negatively affects the health and well‐being of individuals and populations in affected countries; and (3) that it interferes with governments' ability to meet their international obligations. In this commentary, we examine the scientific and policy bases for these criticisms.

In the 1980s, behavioral variations across geographically and socially defined populations were the central focus of AIDS research, and behavior change was seen as the primary means of controlling HIV epidemics. Today, biological mechanisms—especially other sexually transmitted infections, antiretroviral therapy, and male circumcision—predominate in HIV epidemiology and prevention. We describe several reasons for this shift in emphasis. Although the shift is understandable, we argue for a sustained focus on behavioral mechanisms in HIV research in order to realize the theoretical promise of interventions targeting the biological aspects of HIV risk. We also provide evidence to suggest that large reductions in HIV prevalence may be accomplished by small changes in behavior. Moreover, we contend that behavioral mechanisms will find their proper place in HIV epidemiology and prevention only when investigators adopt a conceptual model that treats prevalence as a determinant as well as an outcome of behavior and that explicitly recognizes the dynamic interdependence between behavior and other epidemiological and demographic parameters.

Little is known about the influences of peers on the sexual activity of adolescents in sub‐Saharan Africa. Better understanding of these issues could lead to more effective sexual and reproductive health interventions. Using two waves of survey data from 1,275 adolescents in two southeastern Ghanaian towns, we examine age, sex, and community differences in peer group characteristics. We also examine prospective associations between peer group characteristics and self‐reported sexual initiation and multiple partnerships during a 20‐month follow‐up period. Sex differences in peer‐context variables were small. Affiliation with antisocial peers and perceived peer norms favoring sex increased the odds of transition to first sex. Having more friends increased the odds among younger respondents of acquiring multiple new sexual partners. Among males, perceived peer norms favoring sex increased the odds of acquiring multiple partners. We discuss the implications of these findings for adolescent sexual and reproductive health intervention strategies in sub‐Saharan Africa, and conclude that peer‐based interventions may be best suited to the needs of at‐risk adolescent boys.

AbstractThe belief that contraceptive use causes infertility has been documented across sub‐Saharan Africa, but its quantitative association with actual contraceptive use has not been examined. We collected and analyzed sociocentric network data covering 74 percent of the population in two villages in rural Kenya. We asked respondents to nominate people from their village (their network), and then we matched their network (alters) to the individual participant (ego) to understand how their beliefs and behaviors differ. We asked about contraceptive use and level of agreement with a statement about contraceptive use causing infertility. We calculated the average nominated network contraceptive use score and the average nominated network belief score. Holding the individual belief that contraceptive use causes infertility was associated with lower odds of using contraceptive (AOR = 0.82, p = < 0.01); however, when one's own nominated network connections held this belief, the odds of using contraceptive were even lower (AOR = 0.75, p <0.01). Our findings show that this belief is associated with lower odds of contraceptive use and highlights the role that other people in one's network play in reinforcing it. Sexual and reproductive health programs should address this misperception at the individual and social network level.

AbstractA common reason for nonuse of modern contraceptives is concern about side effects and health complications. This article provides a detailed characterization of the belief that modern contraceptives cause infertility, and an examination of how this belief arises and spreads, and why it is so salient. We conducted focus group discussions and key informant interviews in three rural communities along Kenya's eastern coast, and identified the following themes: (1) the belief that using modern contraception at a young age or before childbirth can make women infertile is widespread; (2) according to this belief, the most commonly used methods in the community were linked to infertility; (3) when women observe other women who cannot get pregnant after using modern contraceptives, they attribute the infertility to the use of contraception; (4) within the communities, the primary goal of marriage is childbirth and thus community approval is rigidly tied to childbearing; and, therefore (5) the social consequences of infertility are devastating. These findings may help inform the design of programs to address this belief and reduce unmet need.