Suchergebnisse

Journalists' psychological distress after working with the Jokela school shooting incident was examined with a mixed methods research design using a sample of 196 journalists (27 on the scene, 169 working indirectly with the crisis). Quantitative results were compared to those of a control group of 297 journalists. Results from the quantitative data showed that in all journalists investigated, a minority indicated a level of PTSD, depression, secondary traumatic stress and burnout sufficient for being labeled as belonging to an 'at risk' subgroup. However, no significant group differences were found. In regard to journalists working with the shooting, previous personal traumatic exposure significantly predicted more distress due to the assignment, while work-related exposure did not. An analysis of qualitative data showed that the incident provoked work-related ethical difficulties, as well as a range of personal post-trauma reactions in journalists. The criticism of journalists after the incident provoked additional personal stress in a group of journalists.

Effects of work-related and personal exposure to potentially traumatic events on PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder), depression, compassion fatigue and burnout were examined in 503 Finnish news journalists (238 men, 265 women) by using a web-based survey. Stepwise linear multiple regression analyses showed that two variables significantly predicted all four outcome factors, i.e. PTSD, depression, compassion fatigue and burnout: the variables were personal exposure to traumatic events, including reactions caused by the event and the magnitude of the worst crisis-related assignment experienced as a journalist.An interaction effect was also found: respondents with high scores on both traumatic experiences in their personal life and a high amount of professional crisis-related assignments had a significantly higher level of PTSD symptoms than others.

In a previous study on integrating minority groups in Ostrobothnia in 2019, one of the most influential challenges was that Finland was not including native Finns in the integration process. This finding was made using the structured democratic dialogue (SDD). For the present study, the same participatory methodology was applied, wherein 12 participants from diverse socio-economical, cultural, and educational background who reside in Ostrobothnia were brought together to explore feasible action plans to facilitate the inclusion of Finns in the integration process in the city of Vaasa in this region of Finland. The participants generated 66 action plans categorized under eight clusters. Based on the influence map generated by participants, Action #62 stated that the most influential one was "All projects are inclusive". Action #55 stated, "Balanced representation of all the people (Finns, minorities and foreigners) in the political parties" and Action #49 stated, "Social-emotional education curriculum" were perceived as having great influence on other actions. Thus, drawing from the results of this SDD Co-Lab, these action plans should be considered priorities in order to successfully include Finns in the integration process. The low number of participants and the narrow representation of some minority groups are limitations of this study.

The purpose of this study is to investigate ways to identify the challenges of integration of minority groups, such as migrants, ethnic/racial minorities, and refugees in Swedish-speaking Ostrobothnia by using the Structured Democratic Dialogue (SDD) as a participatory methodology. This particular method was selected for this study with the purpose to bring all identified stakeholders in the society together to collaboratively and collectively identify and further discuss the challenges and obstacles they face. The Co-laboratory brought together twelve participants with a diverse socio-economical and educational background in Vasa, Finland. Based on the influence map generated by the participants as a result of the workshop, social inclusion was revealed to be one of the most important indicators hindering the integration of minority groups at the local level. In particular, silent acceptance of racism or racist comments were according to the participants the most influential factor preventing the successful integration of ethnic minorities in Swedish-speaking Ostrobothnia.

This study demonstrates the potential usefulness of isolating for analysis an additional component of aggression, namely direct non‐verbal aggression. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analytic procedures were used to design a self‐report inventory measuring direct physical, direct verbal, indirect and direct non‐verbal aggression (eg. silent treatment) in adults (Sample 1: n = 101 males, n = 112 females; Sample 2: n = 56 males, n = 160 females) and adolescents (Sample 3: n = 75 males, n = 100 females). The factor structure was replicated across the adult and adolescent samples. Analysis of sex differences on all three samples showed that men and adolescent boys were more physically aggressive than women and adolescent girls, while women and adolescent girls were found to use direct non‐verbal aggression more than men and adolescent boys. No sex differences were found on indirect aggression, strictly defined, wherein aggressors must take steps to hide their identities and may use others as vehicles to deliver the harm.

Effective political participation was measured with a questionnaire that was completed by 680 (347 female, 333 male) representatives to the rural local governance of Bangladesh, Union Parishads. The questionnaire included four scales. Females scored significantly lower than males on the scales of having influence on political decisions, active political participation and initiatives, and political commissions of trust; and significantly higher on victimisation from faulty meeting procedures. Influence on political decisions varied according to age group for females but not for males. Of the males, 94.7% participated in meetings regularly compared to only 30.1% of the females. Of the females, 16.9 % reported they were not informed about the time of the meetings, while this was the case for only 3.7% of the males. None of the committees used voting at the monthly meetings. Of the males, 94.9% reported that meeting decisions were taken through mutual understanding, while only 15.3% of the females were of that opinion. Of the females, 64.8% reported that decisions were taken by the chairman alone, and 19.9% of them that decisions were taken by the chairman and male members only. It may be concluded that despite recent legislative measures, female political participation still needs to be improved in Bangladesh.

Purpose
This study aims to examine the relationship between exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks among Igbo adolescents in Southeastern Nigeria and depression. Although previous research suggests a direct relationship between armed conflict and depression to exist, it is not known from the literature whether there are indirect paths involved. In a conditional process analysis, it was examined whether physical punishment mediated and gender moderated this relationship.


Design/methodology/approach
A sample of 385 secondary school students (227 girls, 157 boys; Mage = 16.3; SD = 1.35) completed a questionnaire during class. Variables in the analysis were measured with reliable scales. The conditional process analysis was conducted with PROCESS.


Findings
Exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks predicted depressive symptoms among the adolescents, and the effect was partially mediated by the experiences of physical punishment at home. The indirect effect on depression via physical punishment at home was stronger for girls than boys, whereas the direct effect of exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks on depression was stronger for boys than girls.


Research limitations/implications
Because the research design was cross-sectional and not longitudinal, interpretations about causal relationships should be made with caution.


Originality/value
The novel findings suggest that living in an environment of armed conflict may exacerbate parents' use of physical punishment, which in turn may lead to increased levels of depressive symptoms in adolescents.

AbstractThe aim of the study was to explore the relationship between victimisation from workplace harassment and political participation among the elected peoples' representatives to the rural local governance, namely the Union Parishads in Bangladesh. A questionnaire was completed by 821 representatives (412 women, 409 men). The mean age was 42.5 years (SD = 6.5) for women and 44.2 (SD = 6.3) for men. The results showed that women were significantly more victimised from verbal, nonverbal, and rational appearing aggression, social isolation, and indirect social manipulation than men. For women, the most common type of victimisation was rational appearing aggression, followed by social isolation, and verbal aggression. For men, the most common type of victimisation was from verbal aggression, all the other types of victimisation appeared rarely. Representatives with low political participation scored significantly higher than those with high participation on all six types of harassment.Five of the six types predicted active political participation negatively. Women were more victimised from five types of workplace harassment than men. Victimisation from workplace harassment predicted low political participation.Keywords: Workplace harassment, political participation, sex differences, Union Parishads, Bangladesh