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The primary aim of this article is to represent the current state of knowledge about the nature and extent of immigrant and minority political incorporation in Canada at the national level. It pays particular attention to activities associated with mass-level political participation, although some consideration is given to office seeking and office holding as indicators of involvement in elite-level politics. The most general conclusion available from the literature is that newcomers and minorities are significantly engaged in Canadian politics. Also identified in the literature are various independent variables that contribute to explaining why some individuals and groups, including different origin categories, are more politically engaged than others. Some of these variables have relevance in the context of a secondary goal pursued here, namely, reflecting on and illustrating how dedicated comparative research of the Canadian and American cases can enhance understanding of political incorporation in one or both countries. The discussion leads to the conclusion that there is enormous potential for many fruitful lines of inquiry.

This paper discusses Canada's approach to voter registration for federal & (most) provincial elections during much of the 20th century. A key principle was that the state would bear responsibility for ensuring that all eligible citizens were listed as electors, which it would do by a door-to-door enumerator-based canvass. Conducted shortly before an election, the canvass served to involve citizens in the electoral process, enhance voter participation, & provide the most accurate address information. The enumeration system was replaced by the National Register of Electors after a final enumeration in Apr 1997. Explaining why the change was made & evaluating the performance of the new system in facilitating electoral participation are the foci of this paper. A postscript notes improvements in the new system, especially to take into account low income & ethnic diversity in voter registration. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

Cette recherche analyse les femmes des minorités ethniques comme nouveau groupe social visant à accéder à l'élite politique. Elle est axée sur les conséquences liées à leur appartenance à une «double minorité». L'analyse examine deux modèles de cheminement de carrière qui offrent des caractérisations alternatives quant aux obstacles de recrutement auxquels se heurtent les nouveaux groupes sociaux et qui créent des attentes différentes quant aux ressources détenues par les femmes des minorités, comparativement à celles des groupes plus établis. Les résultats principaux, fondés sur un sondage canadien de 1993 sur les candidats parlementaires et completés par de l'information sur les députés, appuient davantage le modèle de «compensation» et, en général, semblent indiquer que l'inégalité continue de caractériser le processus d'accès à l'élite politique.This study examines minority women as a new social group seeking access to the political elite, emphasizing the consequences of their "double minority" status. The analysis considers two career path models that make alternative characterizations about the recruitment barriers faced by new social groups and that yield different expectations about the resources held by minority women compared with more established groups. The main results, based on a 1993 Canadian survey of parliamentary candidates, supplemented by information on MPs, indicate more support for the "compensation" model and, generally, suggest that inequity continues to characterize the process of political elite access.

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the previous political experiences of immigrants and their subsequent involvement in Canadian politics. A 1983 Toronto-area survey of immigrants of various ethnic origins (British, West Indian, Southern and Eastern European) who had been in Canada for five years or less serves as the study's data base. Two hypotheses derived from the relevant literature are investigated: immigrants will have difficulty "transferring" or making relevant past political experiences; and only those (that is, the British) whose system resembles the new one (Canadian) can accomplish transference. However, a more optimistic perspective is proposed suggesting the likelihood of transference regardless of the system of origin. Test results support this latter view.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PREVIOUS POLITICAL EXPERIENCES OF IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT INVOLVEMENT IN CANADIAN POLITICS. A 1983 TORONTO-AREA SURVEY OF IMMIGRANTS OF VARIOUS ETHNIC ORIGINS (BRITISH, WEST INDIAN, SOUTHERN AND EASTERN EUROPEAN) WHO HAD BEEN IN CANADA FOR FIVE YEARS OR LESS SERVES AS THE STUDY'S DATA BASE. TWO HYPOTHESES DERIVED FROM THE RELEVANT LITERATURE ARE INVESTIGATED: IMMIGRANTS WILL HAVE DIFFICULTY "TRANSFERRING" OR MAKING RELEVANT PAST POLITICAL EXPERIENCES; AND ONLY THOSE (THAT IS, THE BRITISH) WHOSE SYSTEM RESEMBLES THE NEW ONE (CANADIAN) CAN ACCOMPLISH TRANSFERENCE. HOWEVER, A MORE OPTIMISTIC PERSPECTIVE IS PROPOSED SUGGESTING THE LIKELIHOOD OF TRANSFERENCE REGARDLESS OF THE SYSTEM OF ORIGIN. TEST RESULTS SUPPORT THIS LATTER VIEW.

Based on a 1983 survey of immigrants in the Toronto area. Relationship between the previous political experiences of immigrants and their subsequent involvement in Canadian politics.

AbstractA major objective of this article is the reexamination of canvassing-voting relationships analyzed by Clarke, Jenson, LeDuc and Pammett in Political Choice in Canada. However, this study distinguishes itself in two major ways. First, usage is made of multivariate techniques, a necessity in view of the number of variables that ought to be taken into consideration. Secondly, two conceptually important types of variables are incorporated; namely, the number of parties canvassing potential voters ("competitive contacting") and the degree of party competition in the constituency ("competitive context"). The results indicate the relevance of these two types of variables, although varyingly so. Thus, "reinforcement," the principal canvassing effect uncovered, is related to competitive contacting, independently of the competitive context. On the other hand, possible "recruitment" and "conversion" effects are associated with particular attributes of both factors. These results, along with some unexpected ones, underscore a suggestion advanced in the article for renewed research into the subject of canvassing.