Suchergebnisse

This book explores the history and legacy of monuments to the fallen from the Francoist side in the Spanish Civil War. Del Arco Blanco studies thousands of monuments in towns and cities across Spain to provide a detailed account of the history and memory of the civil war, Francoism, and the transition to democracy. Chapters in the book focus on the myth of those said to have 'fallen for God and for Spain'--a phrase that encapsulated and shaped the dichotomy between good' and bad' Spaniards. They also focus on the use of monuments to control political and ideological ideals and to legitimise the Francoist dictatorship. Further chapters study Spanish society's struggle to deal with its past of mass killing, denial, and exclusion. Del Arco Blanco also pays attention to the way the Francoist authorities used monuments and memory for their political and ideological advantage and to control people, power as well as the political agenda. The book draws on extensive research to reconstruct both the specific history of monuments scattered throughout the country and their role within manipulative Francoist memory of the Spanish Civil War. In these ways, monuments helped shape the Francoist narrative and memory, but they also became part of the landscape of contemporary Spanish history. This book is an excellent resource for postgraduate students and professional researchers studying the aftermath of the Spanish Civil War, and the influence of monuments on the construction of national memory, culture, and society in Spain both at the time and through to the present day.

This article focuses on the Francoist 'New State's' foreign policy as a means of explaining the failure in food supplies which led to 'Franco's famine' in the early 1940s. It contends that eschewing strict neutrality in favour of pro-Axis policies after the outbreak of the Second World War contributed to creating the famine. Faced with Spain's Germanophile stance, first Britain, and later the United States, took a series of measures aimed at preventing any form of Spanish participation in the war. Most significant among these was the strictly managed economic blockade of Spain, which exacerbated problems of basic supply that had already been created by the dictatorship's policy of autarky. The result was the aggravation of famine conditions. The article will further demonstrate that the dictatorship was perfectly aware of the blockade's effect on the population and the suffering it caused.

In the aftermath of civil war, Spain witnessed a period known as the 'Years of Hunger', which would extend throughout the postwar years (1939–52). The dictatorship would lay the blame on external factors, although the causes for the collapse of living conditions and food supply over that time lay in its autarkic policies. This article attempts to show that Spain was victim of a famine as a consequence of the economic policies of the Franco dictatorship. To analyse the Spanish case, we rely on the conceptual framework of famine studies throughout history. We will demonstrate that Spain suffered an extreme socio-economic crisis during the 1940s, but that it was not until late 1939 and 1942, as well as 1946, that a true famine took place. In order to characterise and explain it, we will analyse three different aspects: the rise in the cost of living, the spread of infectious diseases and death by starvation.

Reseña: José Babiano, Gutmaro Gómez Bravo, Antonio Míguez y Javier Tébar. 2018. Verdugos impunes. El franquismo y la violación sistémica de los derechos humanos. Barcelona: Pasado & Presente, 285 p.

Catholicism has occupied a central place in debates concerning the nature of Francoism. Conventionally, scholars have suggested that the traditional, archaic elements of the Franco Dictatorship made it markedly different from other fascist regimes. This article explores the crucial role that Catholicism played in the popular mobilization, unification, and nationalization of rebel supporters during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Instead of focusing on an analysis of the discourse of the Catholic Church and its interactions with the politics and institutions of the 'New State', this study concentrates on Catholicism's role in generating social support for the regime. First, it examines the religious services and practices that occurred on the battlefronts. It then deals with events on the rebel home front. It argues that during the Spanish Civil War, Catholicism became a force that united, mobilized, and forged both individual and national Francoist identities.

El artículo se centra en el estudio de la corrupción durante el régimen franquista. Discute el mito, en gran parte vigente en parte de la sociedad actual, de la inexistencia de la corrupción durante el franquismo. Para ello estudiamos un fenómeno hasta ahora no demasiado explorado: el del "gran estraperlo". Un negocio de alto rendimiento que tuvo lugar durante la posguerra, a expensas del sufrimiento, el hambre y la escasez de buena parte de la población. Fue desarrollado siempre en connivencia o con la participación directa de personas pertenecientes a la Administración franquista o cercanas a la misma. La reacción de la dictadura fue la de desarrollar importantes campañas de propaganda o castigar a los pequeños estraperlistas, mientras que toleraba el comercio clandestino y la impunidad de los principales responsables del gran estraperlo. De esta forma, la corrupción fue algo estructural dentro de la dictadura, justificándose no sólo por los intereses individuales que satisfizo, sino también porque fue un elemento esencial dentro de los mecanismos que consolidaron y dieron estabilidad al "Nuevo Estado" surgido de la guerra civil. ; The article studies the corruption during the Francoist regime. The myth of the absence of corruption under Francoist dictatorship is discussed. The text analyses a case of a non-very much studied phenomena: the "great estraperlo" (great black market). A highly profitable business that took place during the post-war years at the expense of the suffering, the hunger and the scarcity of a large part of the population. It was always developed with the complicity or the direct participation of members of the Francoist administration or people close to the regime. The dictatorship's reaction consisted in the display of important propaganda campaigns or in the punishment of the small black marketeers, whereas it tolerated the clandestine trade and the impunity of the main culprits of the great black market. This way, corruption was structural within the dictatorship. It should be explained not only for the individual interests that it satisfied, but also because it was an essential element for the consolidation and stabilisation of the "New State" emerged during the Spanish Civil War. ; Este trabajo ha sido realizado en el marco del proyecto de investigación MEMOHAMBRE, "Historia y memoria del hambre: sociedad, vida cotidiana, actitudes sociales y políticas de la dictadura franquista (1939- 1959)", financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.

A través de l'estudi del personal polític de les institucions del règim franquista entre 1936 i 1951, l'article pretén contribuir al debat sobre la naturalesa del Nou Estat, alineant-se amb les postures que consideren que va ser un règim parafascista. S'estudia per a això el perfil socioeconòmic i polític del personal de les altes institucions de l'Estat, els governadors civils i els ajuntaments urbans i rurals. En aquests àmbits s'evidencia la renovació del personal polític, sent els factors per al reclutament del mateix la seva militància en Falange i la seva participació activa en la guerra civil espanyola. Es conclou amb una caracterització de la cultura política del personal polític. ; The article contributes to the debate about the nature of the Francoist State through the study of the political personnel in the institutions of the regime, considering that it was a parafacist regime. It studies the socioeconomic and political profile of the rank and file officers in the high state institutions, the civil governors, and urban and rural city councils. It is demonstrated the renewal of the political personnel, selected for being members of Falange and for their active participation in the Spanish Civil War. The article concludes with a characterisation of the political culture of the Francoist political personnel. ; A través del estudio del personal político de las instituciones del régimen franquista entre 1936 y 1951, el artículo pretende contribuir al debate sobre la naturaleza del Nuevo Estado, alineándose con las posturas que consideran que fue un régimen parafascista. Se estudia para ello el perfil socioeconómico y político del personal de las altas instituciones del Estado, los gobernadores civiles y los ayuntamientos urbanos y rurales. En esos ámbitos se evidencia la renovación del personal político, siendo los factores para el reclutamiento del mismo su militancia en Falange y su participación activa en la guerra civil española. Se concluye con una caracterización de la cultura política del personal político.

After the end of the Civil War, the Franco regime tried to consolidate itself in the tragic socioeconomic context of the post-war years. How was it possible for a regime to establish and implant itself in spite of an economic crisis and a desperate and undernourished population? As this article demonstrates, a brutal policy of autarky underpinned the consolidation of Francoism. Through the daily mechanisms of autarky and the black market to which it gave rise, the 'New State' and its local representatives repressed their Civil War opponents on a daily basis. At the same time, the regime secured the consent of its local supporters by offering them the chance to feather their own nests. In this way, hunger formed the ballast of the new ship of state because the regime was able to force some into starvation while allowing others to profit through the control of much needed resources.

El artículo analiza el fenómeno del mercado negro o "estraperlo" en España durante la posguerra. Ahonda en el por qué de su aparición, caracterizándolo y explicando su funcionamiento. Después, pasa a analizar, de forma diferenciada, dos grandes tipos de estraperlo: el "gran estraperlo", llevado a cabo por personas cercanas a la órbita política del régimen, tolerado por el "Nuevo Estado" y mediante el que se obtendrían impresionantes beneficios; y el "pequeño estraperlo", el mercado negro que tuvo como protagonistas a los más pobres, fue duramente perseguido por las autoridades franquistas, y no tenía otro fin que alcanzar la supervivencia en una situación de hambre generalizada. El estraperlo fue una auténtica "arma política" en manos del régimen del general Franco, dado que mediante su gestión premió a sus apoyos sociales, a la vez que castigaba y excluía a las clases más bajas. Así, el estraperlo se convirtió en una pieza clave para asegurar la estabilidad del régimen franquista. ; The article analyses the black market or "estraperlo" phenomenon in Spain during the postwar years. It explores why it appeared, describing and explaining its functioning. It also studies the two different types of black market: the "big estraperlo", developed by the regime grassroots, tolerated by the "New State" and through which impressive benefits were obtained; and the "small estraperlo", the black market featured by the lower social classes, sternly persecuted by Francoist authorities, and that it had no other goal than to reach survival in the context of a harsh socioeconomic context. The "estraperlo" was a real "political weapon" for the General Franco regime, because through its management rewarded its grassroots while punished and excluded the lower social classes. Thus, the "estraperlo" was an essential cornerstone to assure the stability of the Francoist regime.

El franquismo fue un régimen parafascista inserto en la Europa de entreguerras. No alcanzó grados de consenso y adhesión comparables al nazismo alemán o al fascismo italiano, pero lo cierto es que, a pesar de las amenazas que hicieron peligrar su estabilidad durante los años cuarenta, permaneció incólume y estable. El franquismo logró un cierto consenso entre sus apoyos sociales, mientras que excluía a los vencidos de su proyecto político. Tres fueron las claves para que fuese así: una 'cultura de la victoria' que legitimaba la situación, la represión sobre los vencidos y la gestión de la miseria. ; The Franco regime displayed many of aspects of the fascism that marked interwar Europe. Although Francoism did not achieve the same degree of consensus and support enjoyed by its Nazis and Fascist counterparts, it did command enthusiasm among its grassroots supporters. Accordingly, it proved able to withstand a number of serious challenges in the 1940s, while continuing to push those from the defeated side in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-139 to the margins of social and political life. Three key factors explain this success: a victory culture that bestowed legitimacy on the regime; the repression of the defeated and the accompanying exploitation of shortages and hunger in everyday life.

El estudio del personal político es un elemento fundamental para comprender el régimen de Franco. Centrándonos en el estudio de los poderes locales del mundo rural podemos acercarnos a las raíces de los apoyos sociales del franquismo. En el marco de algunas localidades del mundo rural del sureste Español, analizamos la imagen política y social de los alcaldes y gestores que, desde abajo, auparon y dieron continuidad al régimen. Y percibimos una ruptura respecto a épocas anteriores: asistimos a la llegada de unos «hombres nuevos», jóvenes, sin apenas participación política con las derechas tradicionales antes del 18 de julio, con una directa implicación y compromiso con el bando nacional durante la Guerra Civil, y de un origen social tremendamente heterogéneo. ; In order to understand the Franco regime and how it functioned, it is crucial to study its state administration and those persons who staffed it. More specifically, the roots of this administration lie in the local authorities of rural communities from which the regime received much of its social support. Within the context of some towns in the rural South-Eastern Spain, we will analyze the political and social image of the mayors and town councillors who were the foundation of the Franco regime. Amongst these one can perceive a rupture in respect to the men who made up the local political classes. This change was the product of the arrival of "new men", young men without any previous political or administrative experience, and hence not part of the pre-Civil War "traditional Right". Instead, these men made their reputations and political contacts through their direct participation in the "National Uprising", and signified a much more heterogeneous social group than those that constituted the traditional local elite.

La década de los cuarenta, con la guerra civil, es uno de los momentos más comprometidos y difíciles para la sociedad española de todo el siglo XX. No sólo por ser una sociedad dividida, marcada por la dramática brecha del conflicto bélico, el exilio y la represión; también por la situación de miseria en que vivió sumida gran parte de la población. Los largos años cuarenta han quedado grabados en la memoria colectiva como momentos de escasez, de penuria y, en definitiva, de miseria generalizada. Pero, ¿hasta qué extremos llegó la tragedia? Estudiamos las condiciones socio-económicas del periodo autárquico a partir de una documentación alternativa a la ofrecida por el régimen franquista. Para ello empleamos los informes y memorias de la diplomacia británica referidos a los años cuarenta. Así, intentamos ofrecer fotografías más precisas de la realidad socioeconómica del primer franquismo a través de una lente más transparente. Tras caracterizar y analizar la política económica autárquica, ahondamos en dos aspectos de las trágicas condiciones de vida: el hambre y las enfermedades. Descubriremos, a través de testimonios fiables y con una plasticidad sobrecogedora, que la situación que vivieron las clases más humildes fue más extrema de lo que hemos pensado hasta ahora. Ese paisaje no les dejaría otra opción que abandonar cualquier intento de oposición al régimen, y optar por intentar sobrevivir. En definitiva, la crítica situación económica, la represión socioeconómica y la desmovilización política derivadas de los efectos de la economía autárquica, se convirtieron finalmente en factores decisivos en la solidez y continuidad del régimen franquista. ; The 1940s, together with the civil war years, may be regarded as one of the most difficult and challenging periods for Spanish society in the whole of the twentieth century. Not only because it was a divided society, marked by the deep rift occasioned by war, exile and repression, but also because of the poverty in which a large part of the population lived. The long years of the 1940s have remained ingrained in the collective memory as a time of shortage, hardship and generalized poverty. But just how dire was this tragic period? This article examines the socio-economic conditions of the period of autarky, using an alternative source of information from that offered by the Franco regime: reports by British diplomats referring to the 1940s. In this way, we seek to present a more accurate picture of the socio-economic reality of the early years of the Franco regime. After describing and analysing the economic policy of autarky, we focus on two aspects of the tragic living conditions: hunger and disease. Through reliable and disturbingly vivid accounts, we discover that the hardships experienced by the poorer classes were more extreme than previously believed. Precisely because of this desperate situation, such people would be constrained to pursue their own survival rather than attempt to oppose the regime. In short, the critical economic situation, socio-economic repression and political demobilization arising from the effects of the autarkic economy, were ultimately to become determining factors in the solidity and continuity of the Franco regime.

The 1940s, together with the civil war years, may be regarded as one of the most difficult and challenging periods for Spanish society in the whole of the twentieth century. Not only because it was a divided society, marked by the deep rift occasioned by war, exile and repression, but also because of the poverty in which a large part of the population lived. The long years of the 1940s have remained ingrained in the collective memory as a time of shortage, hardship and generalized poverty. But just how dire was this tragic period? This article examines the socio-economic conditions of the period of autarky, using an alternative source of information from that offered by the Franco regime: reports by British diplomats referring to the 1940s. In this way, we seek to present a more accurate picture of the socio-economic reality of the early years of the Franco regime. After describing and analysing the economic policy of autarky, we focus on two aspects of the tragic living conditions: hunger and disease. Through reliable and disturbingly vivid accounts, we discover that the hardships experienced by the poorer classes were more extreme than previously believed. Precisely because of this desperate situation, such people would be constrained to pursue their own survival rather than attempt to oppose the regime. In short, the critical economic situation, socio-economic repression and political demobilization arising from the effects of the autarkic economy, were ultimately to become determining factors in the solidity and continuity of the Franco regime. ; La década de los cuarenta, con la guerra civil, es uno de los momentos más comprometidos y difíciles para la sociedad española de todo el siglo XX. No sólo por ser una sociedad dividida, marcada por la dramática brecha del conflicto bélico, el exilio y la represión; también por la situación de miseria en que vivió sumida gran parte de la población. Los largos años cuarenta han quedado grabados en la memoria colectiva como momentos de escasez, de penuria y, en ...

Intro -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: Famine, not hunger? -- The silencing of the famine -- The famine -- Overview of the chapters -- Part I: Famine and malnutrition in Spain: Political and socio-economic conditions -- Chapter 1: The famine that 'never' existed: Causes of the Spanish famine -- Francoist explanations: War destruction, drought and international solation -- The main cause: Autarkic policy -- Chapter 2: Agricultural crisis and food crisis in early Francoism: Hunger seen through the lens of biophysics -- Introduction -- Sources and methods -- Results: A long and deep food crisis -- Exploring the causes of the food crisis -- Conclusions -- Chapter 3: Tracing the physical consequences of famine and malnutrition in Franco's Spain1 -- Introduction -- The economic context of the famine and its effects on height -- Exploring the regional disparities and territorial differences -- Conclusions -- Part II: Famine, poverty and daily life -- Chapter 4: Iniquitous famine: Marginalized mothers and children -- Hunger in the Franco zone in the Civil War -- Hunger in government territory in the Civil War -- Post-war famine and disease in Franco's prisons -- Post-war famine, disease and child removal in everyday life -- Conclusion -- Chapter 5: When there was nothing. An ethnography of the years of hunger in post-war Extremadura: Memory and representation of scarcity -- Extremadura: A land of the rich, the poor and day labourers -- For some, 'there was almost nothing' -- Memory and representations of a 'hunger always of others' -- Chapter 6: 'Pícaros De Posguerra'. Turning to crime to survive famine and malnutrition in early Francoism (1939-52) -- 'Lack of work and lack of bread'.