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Legendary musician Paul Simon sits down with David at the DNC in Philadelphia to chat about the 1970 breakup of Simon & Garfunkel, this fall's presidential election, and why he's not retiring just yet.
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This thesis inquires into the political influences upon the recent tax reform process in Australia. Ananalysis of interest groups, public opinion and voting in relation to tax issues is carried out, usingstatistical analyses of behavioural evidence taken from the National Tax Summit, public opinion polls1982-1998, and the 1990, 1993 and 1996 federal elections. The direction of tax reform in Australia isalso compared with that of other OECD nations, using data collected by the OECD. The analysis ofinterest groups compares incremental pluralist, corporatist and rational predictions of the way in whichinterest groups are thought to influence tax policy. The investigation of public opinion uses evidencefrom opinion polls to test a number of competing hypotheses drawn from the theory of tax aversion,which proposes that individuals are not averse to all forms of taxation equally, but are rather averse tosome aspects of taxation more than others. The inquiry into voting in relation to taxation issuesinvestigates a number of complementary proposals: that voters are as influenced by permanent changemicroeconomic issues as they are by cyclical change macroeconomic issues, that voters wereparticularly influenced by the issue of the GST in 1993, and that voters' attitudes towards this issuedisplayed a measure of self interest, as well as partisanship. Finally, a comparative analysis indicateswhether the attempted tax reforms in Australia are taking place within the context of OECD countriesrelying less upon income taxes, and more upon broad based indirect taxes. The main findings of thethesis are that the reforms of the National Tax Summit were neither incrementalist, nor pluralist innature, falsifying the most important interest group theory of tax policy making. Nor was onehypothesis of tax aversion more successful than any other in describing voter opinion about taxreform, although the overall impression is that voters rationally oppose higher burdens of taxation. Itis clear that Australian voters are more heavily influenced by issues of change in the micro economythan by issues of change in the macro economy. However, although the GST was an important issuein the 1993 election, this election cannot be described as a referendum on this issue. Finally, it isapparent that the proposals for tax reform in Australia are taking place within the context of taxconvergence among comparable OECD nations in the direction of reduced reliance upon income taxesand narrowly based indirect taxes, and increased reliance upon broad based indirect taxes. In theconclusion, I suggest that over the period studied by this thesis, the influence of interest groups,public opinion and voters has declined, and the influence of other tax reforming nations has probablyincreased as taxation policy has moved from the politics of consensus to the politics of conviction.

Simone Weil, legendary French philosopher, political activist, and mystic, died in 1943 at a sanatorium in Kent, England, at the age of thirty-four. During her brief lifetime, Weil was a paradox of asceticism and reclusive introversion who also maintained a teaching career and an active participation in politics. In this concise biography, Palle Yourgrau outlines Weil's influential life and work and demonstrates how she tried to apply philosophy to everyday life. Born in Paris to a cultivated Jewish-French family, Weil excelled at philosophy, and her empathetic political conscience channeled

MOST STUDENTS OF SAINT-SIMON HAVE BEEN ESPECIALLY CONCERNED WITH HIS RELATIONS WITH THE DIFFERENT 19TH-CENTURY IDEOLOGICAL MOVEMENTS; HENCE FEW HAVE APPROACHED HIS WORK FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF THE INCOMPATIBILITY BETWEEN HIS ATTITUDES & THOSE OF THE JACOBINS. YET SUCH AN APPROACH RESITUATES HIS INTELLECTUAL BIOGRAPHY IN ITS PROPER CONTEXT--& INDEED PROTECTS HIS WORK FROM THE ANACHRONISTIC INTERPRETATIONS WHICH HAVE PLAGUED IT IN THE HISTORY OF IDEAS. MOREOVER, IT ILLUMINATES EVEN MORE REWARDINGLY HIS PRESENT RELEVANCE. HIS CLASH WITH JACOBINISM MIGHT BE TAKEN AS THE STARTING POINT OF THE OPPOSITION BETWEEN JACOBINISM & INDUSTRIALISM, BETWEEN THE MODERN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES & THE 'POLITICS OF POWER' OF THE OLD CENTRALIZED NATION STATES. FROM THIS THEN DERIVES HIS THEORY OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE POLITICS OF POWER & THE POLITICS OF ABILITIES. THE IMPORTANCE OF THIS THEORY, ESPECIALLY FOR POLITICAL SCIENCE, HAS NOT BEEN SUFFICIENTLY STRESSED IN THE CLASSIC STUDIES ON SAINT-SIMON'S WORK. MOSTLY SOCIOLOGICAL, THESE STUDIES ARE DIVIDED AMONGST THEMSELVES ON WHETHER HIS WORK MUST BE SEEN AS SOCIALISM, UTOPIAN OR OTHERWISE, OR AS ELITISM, TECHNOCRATIC OR OTHERWISE. YET IT IS THIS THEORY WHICH PROVIDES THE LOGICAL LINK BETWEEN THESE 2 SEEMINGLY CONTRADICTORY INTERPRETATIONS. POWER IS CONCENTRATED IN THE RAREFIED SPHERES OF AVAILABILITY OF KNOWLEDGE, AMONGST THE LEADERS OF THE GROUPS & THEIR NECESSARY COUNCILS FOR COORDINATION & PLANNING, CONSULTATION & INTERDEPENDENCE. THIS IS WHERE IN SAINT-SIMON'S CONCEPTION & TERMINOLOGY GOVERNMENT, IN THE OLD SENSE, ENDS & ADMINISTRATION, IN THE NEW SENSE, BEGINS. THE THEORY NOW COMES FULLY INTO ITS OWN. "IN THE PAST THE MAIN POLITICAL SKILL CONSISTED IN KNOWING HOW TO GOVERN, THAT IS TO SAY HOW TO MAKE ONESELF FEARED & OBEYED; THE SCIENCE OF ADMINISTRATION WAS STILL IN ITS INFANCY & HAD ONLY A SECONDARY IMPORTANCE. IT IS AN ENTIRELY NEW DOCTRINE WHICH WE MUST ORGANIZE...#THE OLD DOCTRINE HAD ENTRUSTED THE GOVERNORS WITH THE TASK OF COMMANDING; THE NEW DOCTRINE MUST CONFER ON THEM, AS THEIR PRINCIPAL FUNCTION, TO ADMINISTER WELL." THIS IS WHERE SAINT-SIMON, SOMEWHAT UNEXPECTEDLY, LINKS UP ACROSS THE 19TH CENTURY WITH MAX WEBER & HIS RATIONALITAT & HIS INTERESSENKONSTELLATION, & WITH BENTLEY & HIS GROUPS & PROCESSES OF GOVERNMENT, TO GIVE A NEW RELEVANCE TO THE CONCEPT OF INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY. 1 TABLE. AA.

MOST STUDENTS OF SAINT-SIMON HAVE BEEN ESPECIALLY CONCERNED WITH HIS RELATIONS WITH THE DIFFERENT 19TH CENTURY IDEOLOGICAL MOVEMENTS; HENCE FEW HAV APPROACHED HIS WORK FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF THE INCOMPATIBILITY OF HIS ATTITUDES AND THOSE OF THE JACOBINS. THIS IS UNDERTAKEN HERE, AS IS HIS THEORIES OF THEMSELVES.

This essay interrogates the relationship of post‐Enlightenment epistemology to the conduct of modern politics through the thought of Simone Weil and Albert Camus. Contemporaries and fellow members of the French Resistance, Weil and Camus begin their critiques of modern politics with critiques of modern epistemology. They begin from different orientations to reality: Weil's is a God‐centered universe of "necessity," while Camus's concern is to live with the "absurdity" of human existence. Their shared experience with the violence of modern politics, however, led them to similar conclusions: a calculative form of reason, presumably capable of unmasking the mysteries of (human) nature and positing totalizing explanations of human experience entails the perpetration of a destructive and dehumanizing violence on human existence and nature in general. Overcoming our epistemological prejudices is the first step to reclaiming politics for human beings.

One of the most admired public figures in Illinois's history, journalist and politician Paul Simon dedicated his life to public service for more than four decades. During his lengthy and productive career, he often used his prolific writings as tools to establish a straightforward dialogue with his constituents. In The Essential Paul Simon: Timeless Lessons for Today's Politics, editor John S. Jackson carefully selects the best of Simon's decades of writings, which include newspaper columns, editorials, book chapters, and newsletters-works that, while written to address the challenges of Simon's own era, still resonate with practical wisdom today. Jackson provides an introduction to each chapter, setting Senator Simon's work into the context of its time and emphasizing the connection to today's continuing political questions and conflicts. He also contributes an annotated bibliography covering all of Paul Simon's twenty-two books which will prove to be a handy guide to Simon's publications. While Simon covered a broad spectrum of topics in his written works, his mission throughout the years remained the same: to urge his constituents to study and understand issues that affected their daily lives and to make the complexities of politics accessible to the average citizen. An indispensable volume for voters and politicians alike, The Essential Paul Simon compiles some of the most thought-provoking writings from one of the keenest political minds in our nation's history. Years after their publication, Simon's eloquent and energetic conversations continue to provide witty, informative guidance through the maze of American politics and inspire the development of spirited public discussion and debate. Certificate of Excellence from the Illinois State Historical Society, 2013.

One of the most admired public figures in Illinois's history, journalist and politician Paul Simon dedicated his life to public service for more than four decades. During his lengthy and productive career, he often used his prolific writings as tools to establish a straightforward dialogue with his constituents. In The Essential Paul Simon: Timeless Lessons for Today's Politics, editor John S. Jackson carefully selects the best of Simon's decades of writings, which include newspaper columns, editorials, book chapters, and newsletters-works that, while written to address the challen.

MOST STUDENTS OF SAINT-SIMON HAVE BEEN ESPECIALLY CONCERNED with his relations with the different 19th-century ideological movements; hence few have approached his work from the point of view of the incompatibility between his attitudes and those of the Jacobins. Yet such an approach re-situates his intellectual biography in its proper context – and indeed protects his work from the anachronistic interpretations which have plagued it in the history of ideas. Moreover it illuminates even more rewardingly his present relevance. His clash with Jacobinism might be taken as the startingpoint of the opposition between Jacobinism and industrialism, between the modern industrial societies and the 'politics of power' of the old centralized nation states. From this then derives his theory of the difference between the politics of power and the politics of abilities. The importance of this theory, especially for political science, has not been sufficiently stressed in the classic studies on Saint-Simon's work. Mostly sociological, these studies are divided amongst themselves on whether his work must be seen as socialism, Utopian or otherwise, or as elitism, technocratic or otherwise. And yet it is this theory which provides the logical link between these two seemingly contradictory interpretations.

This, the first full-length study of Simone de Beauvoir's political thinking, both examines Beauvoir in her own politico-intellectual context and demonstrates her originality and continuing significance. Insisting upon the ambiguity of all human action, Beauvoir presents an affirmation of human freedom and also a somber warning about the inevitability of failures in politics.

Simon Glezos is a leading social and cultural theorist of time. He has published several journal articles on temporality, and two robust monographs on the matter: The Politics of Speed (Routledge, 2012) and the recent Speed and Micropolitics (Routledge, 2020). In this interview, we will look back on his celebrated works on speed and politics. In doing so, I also get his opinion on current issues that affect the time-politics bond today. The interview seeks to examine the topicality of the acceleration theory through the voice of one of its more original authors, having in mind current socio-political phenomena such as pandemic deceleration, social malaise (both global and local), energy challenges, and the revitalization of old nationalisms. -- Simon Glezos es un destacado teórico social y cultural del tiempo. Ha publicado varios artículos en revistas sobre la temporalidad y dos sólidas monografías sobre el tema: The Politics of Speed (2012) y Speed and Micropolitics (2020). En esta entrevista avanzaremos una breve retrospectiva sobre sus célebres trabajos sobre velocidad y política. Al hacerlo, hemos recogido su opinión en temas de actualidad relevantes que afectan al vínculo tiempo-política hoy. La entrevista examina la actualidad de la teoría de la aceleración a través de la voz de uno de sus autores más originales, teniendo en cuenta fenómenos sociopolíticos contemporáneos como la desaceleración pandémica, el malestar social (tanto global como local), los retos energéticos y la revitalización de los viejos nacionalismos.