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This paper reconstructs Ekaterinburg's economic landscape in 1914. The research is based on the 1910 city map and quantitative data from the 1914 city phonebook and relies on the space syntax method. During the study, the authors created a database including 390 local companies' phone numbers before World War I classified in accordance with the Fisher-Clark economic sector model (primary sector — extraction of raw materials, secondary — manufacturing, tertiary — service industries, quaternary — finances and information services, quinary sector — administration, education, medicine, sciences, etc.). The research demonstrates that there were just a couple of primary sector businesses in Ekaterinburg in the early twentieth century. Most secondary sector plants and factories had been moved outside of the city, while the others were evenly distributed following the environmental regulations and proximity to labour force. Tertiary sector firms dominated in the western part of the city and formed a commercial district around Market Square. The quaternary sector companies had almost the same location, spreading further to the northwest. Quinary sector organisations were dispersed all over the city with a notable concentration in the center and north-western part. The reconstruction of the Ekaterinburg economic landscape reveals that its centre occupied the area around the dam that locked the Iset River running through the city and spread towards the west and north-west part in the early twentieth century forming the city's future business district.

Поступила в редакцию 28.06.2019. Принята к печати 14.08.2019. ; Submitted on 28 June, 2019. Accepted on 14 August, 2019. ; Статья посвящена анализу одной из важнейших характеристик демографического поведения городского населения России — возрасту вступления в первый брак и его динамике в начале XX в. В качестве объекта исследования выбран Екатеринбург, один из небольших, но интенсивно развивавшихся промышленных российских городов. Наряду с агрегированными данными переписей населения 1897, 1920 и 1926 гг. в качестве источников были использованы сведения метрических книг, которые были транскрибированы в базу данных «Регистр населения Урала». В результате анализа номинативных данных метрических книг был установлен возраст вступления в первый брак не только в среднем по городу, но и по отдельным его приходам, что позволило выявить особенности в демографическом поведении горожан, обусловленные этнической или религиозной принадлежностью, социальным, миграционным статусом и другими персональными характеристиками. На основе проведенного исследования сделан вывод о том, что дореволюционный Екатеринбург приближался к «европейской» модели брака, по крайней мере, с точки зрения среднего возраста вступления в первый брак у мужчин, а с началом войны этот показатель еще увеличился. Однако согласно данным переписи 1926 г., расчетный возраст вступления в брак и уровень окончательного безбрачия значительно снизились по сравнению с имперским периодом. Результаты анализа агрегированных и номинативных данных по Екатеринбургу позволили предположить, что после революции и установления нового политического режима миграция из западных губерний прекратилась, а из сельской округи — возросла. Переселенцы из сельской местности приносили в город традиционные брачные нормы, которые подразумевали обязательное вступление в брак. Находясь в состоянии стресса, вызванного Первой мировой войной, революцией и начавшейся гражданской войной, эти мигранты пытались вступить в брак раньше, чтобы получить социальную поддержку в кругу семьи. ; This article analyses one of the main characteristics of the demographic behaviour of Russian citizens, i.e. their age at first marriage and its dynamics in the early twentieth century. The authors examine the situation in Yekaterinburg, a compact but an intensively developing industrial city. Together with aggregated census data, the authors refer to microdata extracted from several city parish registers (metricheskie knigi), which they transcribed into the Ural Population Project database. As a result of the analysis of nominative data of parish registers, the authors establish the age of first marriages including both averages in the city as a whole and per parish which enables them to conclude about the citizens' demographic behaviour conditioned by their ethnic or religious affiliation, social status and migration patterns, and other personal characteristics. The analysis demonstrates that Yekaterinburg seems to be closer to the "European" marriage pattern, at least in terms of mean age at first marriage in men which grew with the beginning of the war. However, according to the 1926 Census and the age of first marriage and that of never married significantly decreased as compared to the imperial period. The results of the analysis of aggregated and nominative data for Yekaterinburg enable the authors to put forward an idea that following the revolution and the establishment of a new political regime, migration from western provinces stopped while migration from rural areas increased. Rural migrants brought their own marital patterns to the city which implied mandatory marriage. Living in an increasingly stressful environment as a result of World War I, the revolution and the civil war, migrants were trying to get married earlier than on average to secure family support for themselves.

This paper studies female "singleness", which is defined as the status of being non-married, in the cities of Perm Province. Emphasis is placed on the two largest cities — Perm and Ekaterinburg — compared with the entire urban and rural population. The authors refer to aggregates from the city censuses taken in Perm and Ekaterinburg as well as the national censuses of 1897 and 1926 as the main sources. The study quantitatively analyses women's marital status in relation to age, place of residence, ethno-religious, and social affiliation, and calculates the rate of women who never married and singulate mean age at marriage. During the second half of the nineteenth century, in Perm and Ekaterinburg, the authors observe stability in the marriage structure among the female population. Over 50% of urban women and 33.6% of rural women aged 15 and older were not married: in the group under 30 years old, female "singleness" was determined by the fact that some girls were unable to marry. By the age of 40, a significant part of those "single" women were widows, and in the age group of 40–49, they made up the majority. Divorce was significantly less likely to be the cause of female "singleness" than non-marriage while still fertile. The differences in the level of female "singleness" in the Perm cities were influenced by the in-migration of female servants, whose background was often rooted in the peasant class, and the presence of a large monastery. During the new Soviet reality, renunciation of marriage as a life trajectory became infrequent, while the proportion of divorced people among those "single" increased noticeably.