Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- List of Interviewees -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Economists and Socialism -- 1. Neoclassical Economics and Socialism: From the Beginnings to 1953 -- 2. A New Transnational Discussion among Economists in the 1950s -- 3. Neoclassical Economics and Yugoslav Socialism -- 4. Goulash Communism and Neoclassical Economics in Hungary -- 5. The International Left, the International Right, and the Study of Socialism in Italy -- 6. Market Socialism or Capitalism? The Transnational Critique of Neoclassical Economics and the Transitions of 1989 -- 7. Post-1989: How Transnational Socialism Became Neoliberalism without Ceasing to Exist -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

Challenging conventional accounts, Markets in the Name of Socialism chronicles a transnational dialogue among economists on both sides of the Iron Curtain about democracy, socialism, and markets. These exchanges led to the transformations of 1989 and, unintentionally, the rise of neoliberalism.

AbstractIn 1988 a local homeowner in Washington, DC, commissioned a 30‐foot mural of an artwork by modernist painter Piet Mondrian on the side of a public housing building, along with several other similar murals across the street. Three months later all the residents of the public housing development were moved out. Later, the buildings were destroyed. Here I explore how these murals enabled the residents' permanent displacement. Explaining this displacement and destruction by pointing to the federal Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere (HOPE) VI policy is completely insufficient. I argue for looking beyond the conventional actors in policy history to other actors, such as, but not limited to, aesthetics, art, artists and art purveyors. I examine Mondrian's years in Paris, during which he developed his abstract art and philosophy of spiritual evolution, white supremacy and total urban renewal. The homeowner brought Mondrian's art and philosophy to Washington, DC, at a time of an ideological shift towards global revanchism and gentrification. These specific murals reveal the settler colonial nature of gentrification in confrontation with anti‐colonial art and geographies. This study provides new insight into gentrification by illuminating the battles of multiple globalizations in cities and even on individual blocks.

In 1980 the World Bank extended its first structural adjustment loans. Scholars and activists have argued that structural adjustment policies, and the neoclassical economics that legitimates them, destroyed Keynesianism, developmentalism, and socialism. In contrast to the view that structural adjustment began as a clear neoliberal project, I argue that the second and third worlds, in fact, demanded structural adjustment, which, in response, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund sought to realize but in a way fundamentally different from what was demanded. In this article, I examine economists' ideas about structural adjustment across socialist eras—from 1920s Weimar Germany and the Soviet Union to midcentury socialist Yugoslavia and the post-1964 UN Conference on Trade and Development—and explore the origins of what we know today as structural adjustment policies.

AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the "Chicago Boys," who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale.

Much globalization scholarship assumes that the United States and other advanced industrialized capitalist countries are the primary agents of globalization. However, when we examine economic globalization more closely and from the perspective of Second- and Third-World institutions, we can see that the Non-Aligned Movement, the Second World, and the Third World more broadly worked hard to create a global economy in the face of active resistance by the United States and other current and former colonial powers, which sought to maintain the economic status quo of the colonial system. This article explores one of the centers of global economic thought and policy for the New International Economic Order (NIEO): the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

Johanna Bockman unpacks a hefty term, neoliberalism. She cites its roots and its uses, decoding it as a description of a "bootstraps" ideology that trumpets individualism and opportunity but enforces conformity and ignores structural constraints.