Suchergebnisse

Con el COVID-19 quedó evidenciado que las ciencias tienen el potencial de salvar vidas mientras que su menoscabo puede afectar a los derechos humanos, incluidos el derecho a la vida y a la salud. Sin embargo, durante la pandemia la movilización de las ciencias y las políticas sanitarias han padecido de un marcado déficit en materia de pluralismo epistémico. La interdisciplinariedad, y en particular los enfoques que exceden las respuestas científicas y estatales estrictamente biomédicas, han sido marginalizados. Este libro colectivo, escrito desde las ciencias sociales y naturales, y con un enfoque de derechos, propone miradas que cruzan la epidemiología, la medicina, la economía, los derechos humanos, la sociología, el feminismo, el transporte y la movilidad, la ética y la filosofía del derecho, la educación, las políticas públicas, la ecología, la salud mental, y la democracia. ; Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata

Este artículo demuestra que la introducción de medidas de ajuste no contribuye a la recuperación económica sino que, en cambio, trae aparejadas consecuencias negativas en términos de crecimiento económico, coeficientes de endeudamiento e igualdad, generando frecuentemente una serie de impactos negativos en materia de derechos humanos. Y, por lo tanto, que existe una sólida base legal para sostener una inconsistencia prima facie entre la imposición de políticas de ajuste en tiempos de recesión y el disfrute de derechos humanos. Debido a las circunstancias particulares en las que los Estados suelen encontrarse cuando requieren asistencia de instituciones financieras internacionales es que estas últimas suelen imponer condiciones que no necesariamente se han negociado con los Estados prestatarios. La población de los mismos se encuentra aún menos involucrada que su gobierno en las consultas, discusiones y negociaciones asociadas. El extenso alcance de tales condicionalidades, que se ha ampliado continuamente durante las últimas décadas, permite explicar su penetrante omnipresencia en cuestiones soberanas cruciales. Estas condicionalidades son observables aún en el contexto de la pandemia del COVID-19. Según los estándares del derecho internacional, las instituciones financieras internacionales podrían ser consideradas responsables por la complicidad en la imposición de reformas económicas violatorias de derechos humanos. El nexo causal entre la asistencia brindada por las instituciones financieras internacionales (en forma de préstamos, vigilancia, asistencia técnica y condicionalidades anexas) en la comisión de un hecho internacionalmente ilícito (complicidad) y el daño causado (violaciones de derechos humanos) es evidente y se encuentra bien documentado. Se puede presumir que una institución tiene conocimiento de la naturaleza ilícita del acto si, incluso cuando se avanza en la implementación de reformas económicas que normalmente conducen a violaciones de derechos humanos, no se realiza una evaluación de impacto ex ante. La responsabilidad legal por complicidad genera obligaciones en términos de cesación, no repetición y reparación. ; This Article demonstrates that the introduction of austerity measures does not contribute to economic recovery, but instead has negative consequences in terms of economic growth, debt ratios, and equality, and routinely results in a series of negative human rights impacts. There is therefore a solid legal basis to make the case for a prima facie inconsistency between the imposition of austerity policies in times of recession and the enjoyment of human rights. Because of the circumstances in which States usually find themselves when seeking assistance from international financial institutions, lender institutions often impose conditionalities that have not necessarily been negotiated with borrower States. States' populations are even less involved than their governments in the associated consultations, discussions, or negotiations. The broad scope of such conditionalities, which has been continuously expanded over recent decades, helps to explain their pervasiveness and omnipresence in key sovereign businesses. These conditionalities are even seen in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to standards of international law, international financial institutions may be held responsible for complicity in the imposition of economic reforms that violate human rights. The causal link between the assistance provided by international financial institutions (in the form of loans, surveillance and technical assistance, and attached conditionalities) in the commitment of an internationally wrongful act (complicity) and the harm done (human rights violations) is evident and well documented. An institution's knowledge of the wrongful nature of the act can be presumed if, even when advancing the implementation of economic reforms that normally lead to human rights violations, no ex ante impact assessment is undertaken. Legal responsibility for complicity raises obligations in terms of cessation, non-repetition, and reparation. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

This article analyzes the economic and social policies implemented during the Evo Morales governments in Bolivia, which many scholars and social activists consider as a unique case of heterodox economic development. It seeks to contribute to the understanding of Bolivia's development and economic process over the last decade from a human‐rights perspective, including challenges and contradictions. The questions covered include if there was social and economic inclusion during Evo Morales' governments, and if so, to what extent; which main economic and social policies were implemented by the government to reduce poverty and inequality; and whether the socioeconomic model implemented was sustainable economically, financially, and environmentally. The article shows that from 2006 to 2019, Bolivia was successful in turning itself into a thriving economy in the region while reducing significantly poverty and inequality. Yet there has been an emerging need to reassess the economic and environmental sustainability of the prevailing model in view of the fiscal imbalance caused by the fall in oil commodity prices in 2014, the rapid loss of international reserves, increased public debt, high dependency on extractivism and limited economic diversification, a regressive tax system, and the large degree of informality in the economy. The discussion includes state agents' brutal acts of repression against the population in the aftermath of the 2019 presidential elections.

This Article demonstrates that the introduction of austerity measures does not contribute to economic recovery, but instead has negative consequences in terms of economic growth, debt ratios, and equality, and routinely results in a series of negative human rights impacts. There is therefore a solid legal basis to make the case for a prima facie inconsistency between the imposition of austerity policies in times of recession and the enjoyment of human rights. Because of the circumstances in which States usually find themselves when seeking assistance from international financial institutions, lender institutions often impose conditionalities that have not necessarily been negotiated with borrower States. States' populations are even less involved than their governments in the associated consultations, discussions, or negotiations. The broad scope of such conditionalities, which has been continuously expanded over recent decades, helps to explain their pervasiveness and omnipresence in key sovereign businesses. These conditionalities are even seen in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to standards of international law, international financial institutions may be held responsible for complicity in the imposition of economic reforms that violate human rights. The causal link between the assistance provided by international financial institutions (in the form of loans, surveillance and technical assistance, and attached conditionalities) in the commitment of an internationally wrongful act (complicity) and the harm done (human rights violations) is evident and well documented. An institution's knowledge of the wrongful nature of the act can be presumed if, even when advancing the implementation of economic reforms that normally lead to human rights violations, no ex ante impact assessment is undertaken. Legal responsibility for complicity raises obligations in terms of cessation, non-repetition, and reparation.

Abstract
This article offers, using a human rights approach, an in-depth analysis of the functioning of the China's regulatory framework applicable to external lending through national and international financial institutions as well as concrete proposals to enhance that framework. The article describes and critically assesses the institutional and legal framework of the Chinese international lending and outbound investment, it studies the main trends in the Chinese lending to developing countries in the context of the Chinese "Going Global" strategy, and it presents the human rights impact of external lending and outbound investments in terms of both their positive effects and good practices as well as challenges and concerns. A particular attention is paid to the case of the new pertinent multilateral development banks: New Development Bank and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. After presenting the conclusions the article ends proposing for discussion recommendations addressing a wide range of stakeholders.

Summary This article analyses Panama's economy and finances from a human rights perspective. First, it presents the adverse human rights implications of illicit financial flows. It then describes Panama's legal and institutional framework, in particular the country's international obligations and commitments, as well as the country's banking and financial sector. The so-called Panama Papers are also presented, both the outbreak of the scandal, the steps taken by the government and the additional measures still needed. Issues linked to the country's economic growth, inequality and human rights are also discussed and the implications of infrastructure projects on the human rights of individuals and groups in Panama, including indigenous peoples, are critically analysed. The conclusions are followed by recommendations made by the author to the Government of Panama as an independent UN expert after his visit to the country. ; Resumen Este artículo analiza la economía y finanzas de Panamá desde una perspectiva de derechos humanos. Primero presenta las implicaciones adversas de las corrientes financieras ilícitas en materia derechos humanos. Luego describe el marco legal e institucional panameño, en particular las obligaciones y compromisos internacionales del país, así como el sector bancario y financiero del país. También se presentan los llamados "papeles de Panamá", tanto la irrupción del escándalo, las disposiciones adoptadas por el gobierno así como las medidas adicionales que aún resultan necesarias. Se discuten asimismo cuestiones vinculadas al crecimiento económico del país, la desigualdad y los derechos humanos, así como se analizan críticamente las implicaciones de proyectos de infraestructura sobre los derechos humanos de las personas y los grupos en Panamá, incluidos los pueblos indígenas. Luego de las conclusiones se presentan recomendaciones que el autor efectuó al gobierno panameño como Experto Independiente de la ONU luego de su visita al país.

This article analyses the economy and finances of Panama from a human rights perspective. It first presents the adverse implications of illicit financial flows on human rights. It then describes the Panamanian legal and institutional framework, in particular the country´s international obligations and commitments, as well as the banking and financial sector of the country. It also presents the "Panama Papers," including the scandal outbreak, policies adopted by the government as well as those additional measures still needed. Issues related to the country's economic growth, inequality and human rights are also discussed, and the implications of infrastructure projects for persons and groups in Panama, including indigenous peoples, are critically studied. After the conclusions the recommendations that the author made to the Panamanian government as Independent Expert of the UN after his visit to the country are presented. ; Este artículo analiza la economía y finanzas de Panamá desde una perspectiva de derechos humanos. Primero presenta las implicaciones adversas de las corrientes financieras ilícitas en materia derechos humanos. Luego describe el marco legal e institucional panameño, en particular las obligaciones y compromisos internacionales del país, así como el sector bancario y financiero del país. También se presentan los llamados "papeles de Panamá", tanto la irrupción del escándalo, las disposiciones adoptadas por el gobierno así como las medidas adicionales que aún resultan necesarias. Se discuten asimismo cuestiones vinculadas al crecimiento económico del país, la desigualdad y los derechos humanos, así como se analizan críticamente las implicaciones de proyectos de infraestructura sobre los derechos humanos de las personas y los grupos en Panamá, incluidos los pueblos indígenas. Luego de las conclusiones se presentan recomendaciones que el autor efectuó al gobierno panameño como Experto Independiente de la ONU luego de su visita al país.

This article argues that lenders providing financial assistance to authoritarian regimes should be held responsible for complicity if they knew or should have known that they would facilitate human rights abuses. Discussing the lenders' role in a transitional justice context leads to a broadening of legal and institutional tools to channel this responsibility. This article starts by critically assessing the micro criteria traditionally used to understand the causal link between finance and human rights abuses, suggesting that a macro (i.e. holistic, interdisciplinary and casuistic) approach considering structures, processes and dynamics of sovereign financing should be applied when interpreting this link. It also explains how that traditional view is being challenged. A rational choice approach is taken to explain the most salient financial features of large-scale campaigns of gross human rights violations in order to understand the real relevance of funds in contexts of criminal regimes. The legal bases of responsibility for complicity are then discussed, separately presenting the arguments applied to private, multilateral and bilateral lenders. It also outlines how the missing financial link could be integrated into the domain of transitional justice, presenting, elaborating and assessing enforceability of concrete mechanisms to channel financial complicity in order to attain transitional goals. Finally, concluding remarks and challenges on the relationship between financial complicity and transitional justice are presented; and policy and economic considerations are made to better understand the real implications that incorporating the financial dimension into the transitional justice universe could have for a country.

There is an obvious need to learn more about why some countries succeed and others fail when dealing with debt crises. Why do some sovereign debtors overcome economic problems very quickly and at minor human rights costs for their people, while others remain trapped by debts for years struggling with overwhelming debt burdens and exacerbating economic problems and human suffering? This book analyzes fourteen unique or singular country cases of sovereign debt problems that differ characteristically from the 'ordinary' debtor countries, and have not yet received enough or proper attention - some regarded as successful, some as unsuccessful in dealing with debt crises. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the policy options available to countries struggling with debt problems, or how to resolve a debt overhang while protecting human rights, the Rule of Law and the debtor's economic recovery.