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This article analyses the key aspects of the brics countries' joint position on the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) concept, as well as the degree of their influence on transforming R2P into a global norm. The author's aim was to answer the following questions: What interconnection is there between the brics and R2P discourses? How can brics stimulate an alternative interpretation of the R2P idea? In terms of cross-border partnerships, is R2P-based cooperation possible within the brics framework, and are states ready to expand it in the future? brics member states have demonstrated several common approaches to R2P, including their reliance on mechanisms strengthening the role of the state, their support for the UN position on peaceful conflict settlement, and preventive diplomacy.

Against the backdrop of globalization, international terrorism is becoming a complex threat, which can be countered only by the united efforts of all countries. The level of cooperation of states does not fully correspond to the scale of the world terror challenge. Cooperation in the fight against terrorism at the bilateral level opens up more opportunities because it is based on mutual trust between States, with greater effectiveness, as well as practical impact and benefits, due to the knowledge of the situation and the ability to respond quickly. The inefficiency of the global counterterrorism system can be compensated by the mechanism of bilateral cooperation in the sphere of counter-terrorism, despite all the existing problems such as: sanctions, human rights, the need to promptly equate national laws and legislation in line with international laws, etc. The choice of the Russian Federation and Spain as a case study for this research is not accidental, since the interaction of both countries allows us to trace the development of mechanisms and instruments to counter terrorism on a bilateral basis. As a result of the comparative analysis, it is established that while Russian-Spanish relations began to deteriorate in 2014 as a result of the sanctions policy, the bilateral contexts of cooperation in the field of countering extremism have become comparable in two parameters: the overall level of the threat of terrorism in Russia and Spain, as well as the types of terrorist challenges on their territory.

Against the backdrop of globalization, international terrorism is becoming a complex threat, which can be countered only by the united efforts of all countries. The level of cooperation of states does not fully correspond to the scale of the world terror challenge. Cooperation in the fight against terrorism at the bilateral level opens up more opportunities because it is based on mutual trust between States, with greater effectiveness, as well as practical impact and benefits, due to the knowledge of the situation and the ability to respond quickly. The inefficiency of the global counterterrorism system can be compensated by the mechanism of bilateral cooperation in the sphere of counter-terrorism, despite all the existing problems such as: sanctions, human rights, the need to promptly equate national laws and legislation in line with international laws, etc. The choice of the Russian Federation and Spain as a case study for this research is not accidental, since the interaction of both countries allows us to trace the development of mechanisms and instruments to counter terrorism on a bilateral basis. As a result of the comparative analysis, it is established that while Russian-Spanish relations began to deteriorate in 2014 as a result of the sanctions policy, the bilateral contexts of cooperation in the field of countering extremism have become comparable in two parameters: the overall level of the threat of terrorism in Russia and Spain, as well as the types of terrorist challenges on their territory. ; El nivel de cooperación entre las naciones por ahora no concuerda con la escala del problema que abarca el terrorismo internacional. Sin embargo, la interacción en la lucha contra el terrorismo a nivel bilateral abre nuevas posibilidades en virtud de que se basa en la mutua confianza entre las naciones. Tiene un gran resultado y también es eficaz. Se caracteriza por tener conocimiento de la situación en el lugar y contar con la posibilidad de reaccionar rapidamente en conjunto. La inefectividad del sistema global de contraterrorismo puede ser compensada por el mecanismo de cooperación bilateral en el campo de la contraposición al terrorismo, a pesar de todos los problemas existentes: sanciones, derechos humanos, la necesidad de poner operativamente la legislación nacional en correspondencia con los actos territoriales, etc. La elección de la FR y de España como case-status para llevar a cabo este estudio no es casual, ya que el contenido de la interacción entre estos países permite velar por el desarrollo de los mecanismos y los instrumentos de contraposición al terrorismo en una base bilateral. Como resultado de un análisis comparativo, se estableció que al mismo tiempo que las relaciones ruso-españolas comenzaron a empeorar en el año 2014, a causa de la política de sanciones, los contextos recíprocos de interacción en el campo de contraposición al extremismo llegaron a compararse en dos índices: según el nivel general de amenaza de terrorismo en Rusia y en España, y según los tipos de desafíos terroristas en sus territorios.

The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) activity as the UN intergovernmental advisory body that provides peace efforts in countries emerging from conflict, becoming one of the first evident achievements in the UN reforming process. One of the key points of the article is concentrated on the Peacebuilding Fund’s efforts in stabilization, economic recovery and development of the countries after periods of crisis. Analysis of the PBC activity indicates several specific points. The first one is that we can admit attempts to underline a dominant role of the General Assembly in the prejudice of the Security Council authority. The second − striving to use the platform of the Commission for political debates on situation in post-conflict countries. Russia has been supported the idea of the Peacebuilding Commission foundation from the beginning, taking an active part in development of guidelines that define the PBC terms of reference, structure and relations with other UN bodies.

The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) activity as the UN intergovernmental advisory body that provides peace efforts in countries emerging from conflict, becoming one of the first evident achievements in the UN reforming process. One of the key points of the article is concentrated on the Peacebuilding Fund's efforts in stabilization, economic recovery and development of the countries after periods of crisis. Analysis of the PBC activity indicates several specific points. The first one is that we can admit attempts to underline a dominant role of the General Assembly in the prejudice of the Security Council authority. The second − striving to use the platform of the Commission for political debates on situation in post-conflict countries. Russia has been supported the idea of the Peacebuilding Commission foundation from the beginning, taking an active part in development of guidelines that define the PBC terms of reference, structure and relations with other UN bodies.

Since 2010 Boko Haram uprising, it has transformed into a powerful regional terrorist group whose terrorist act of bombing and kidnapping had attracted the world attention. Rapidly Boko Haram has become the second most dreaded terrorist group in the world after Islamic States (ISIS) in Iraq and Syria. The group's tactics shifted and diversified from attacks on government installations to more damning quest through bombings, robberies, kidnappings, assaults on churches and mainstream Muslim targets, leading to occupation of villages and towns, indicating greater confidence and capacity to form a territory within the territory of Nigeria and declare an "Islamic Caliphate" in Nigeria which is their utmost objective. This article reviews the activities of Boko Haram Islamic Militant terror group operating in the northern region of Nigeria, the result of its frequent attacks in the region, governance and economic activities had been brought to a halt. This article also analyses the roles played by international community and the efforts of the Nigeria government in resolving the crisis. The article further points out the continuous attacks of Boko Haram if unchecked its will threaten the relatively peace and security in the West Africa region.

A strong partnership between the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) is essential to achieve strategic convergence, coherence and effective solutions to Africa's complex peace and security challenges. This article analyzes the key challenges in the UN - AU partnership for peacekeeping, including the UN - AU frameworks, policies and strategies in implementing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to establish equal, full and constructive participation of women in the peacekeeping process. The authors identify key challenges in the UN - AU partnership for peacekeeping and assess the effectiveness of the mechanisms and tools of this partnership in the field of maintaining peace and security. The implementation of the WPS agenda in Africa in 2003-2022 is discussed in detail. The empirical basis for the research was drawn from the UN peacekeeping website database, official AU documents, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, and AU and UN statistics on the gender composition of key UN peacekeeping missions during the period under review. This study employs quantitative methods of assessment and comparative analysis of UN and the AU statistics on women's participation in African peacekeeping from 2003 to 2022. It focuses on the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) as a case study. The article concludes that there is a direct link between the deteriorating security situation in Africa, the effective implementation of the WPS agenda, and the level of strategic partnership between the UN and the AU.

The three-stage transformation in the framework of «humanitarian intervention – personal security – responsibility to protect (R2 P)» reflects the international community's search for the most effective forms of protecting the population from crimes against humanity, genocide, and ethnic cleansing. The concept of humanitarian intervention turned out to be untenable, and in 2005 the «responsibility to protect» was formalized. Responsibility to protect concept was intended to become an effective tool in the field of ensuring peace and security. The article deals with the approaches of the BRICS countries, which took an active part in the development of the R2 P, to its interpretation at the present stage. The contradictory semantic content and legal non-formality of the concept make it difficult to implement it in practice and divide R2 P researchers into two main groups. The key goal of the article is to study the evolution of the positions of the BRICS countries on R2 P.

The hybrid nature and scope of contemporary conflicts, the terrorism threat, and the dramatic increase in competition for resources, global militarization and security challenges in Africa do not only carry the risk of state collapse, but have conditioned concerted efforts by national, regional and international actors to protect human rights and remedy the humanitarian situation. In many ways, the African continent with its unique and diverse nature of conflicts has become a platform for the renewal of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping through the development of new operational and normative practices and strategies that, as a distinctive feature of the UN missions in the African continent, have gradually moved from the status of innovations to the category of quite commonplace global practice. This article attempts to assess UN peacekeeping in Africa from the 1960s till 2022. The authors examine the characteristics, nature and scope of peacekeeping operations (PKOs) as well as strategies for transforming peacekeeping mandates. Using a problem-chronological approach, comparative analysis and quantitative assessments of the UN peacekeeping missions, the formats of cooperation with regional organizations (the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)), gender composition of the UN missions, in particular, the authors come to the natural conclusion that the number of the UN peacekeeping operations and political missions in Africa remains high and their mandates have expanded and become more complex with increased activity of the leading world powers. The authors conclude that stabilization and conflict resolution in Africa will greatly depend on effective cooperation between the UN and regional organizations, as well as on the UN reforms and its ability to adapt rapidly to changing conflict scenarios in each African state.

A survivor-centered approach is at the heart of the international community's humanitarian action today. In armed conflicts various forms of sexual violence are seen not only as accompanying violence, but also as a tool of pressure and warfare of the contesting parties, and important measures to prevent and counteract such acts have been included into the mandates of the UN peacekeeping missions. This research aims to identify the logic of international community's action to counter conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) by strengthening peacekeeping initiatives, and complement ongoing research on the protection of women in armed conflict and situations of sexual violence. This goal entails an examination of all elements of the existing system: legal framework, the role of states, and the activities of the UN. The authors conducted a content analysis of the UN Security Council resolutions on the topic to trace conceptual terminological changes. At the same time, to identify the main contradictions in the rhetoric of states and, consequently, the motives of their actions, a discourse cluster analysis was used based on the statements of delegations in the UN Security Council. The resulting clusters display three unique positions of the national states that are mostly explained by different understandings of the term itself, the categories of victims of such violence, and the relevant tools for countering it. Emphasis could be placed on including sexual violence on the sanctions list, gender education in military training, increasing the number of women in peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions, or preventive measures. The authors identified the most active states pushing the anti-sexual violence agenda; they include Germany, the UK, the US, Canada, and France. The article also examines the practical implementation of UN peacekeeping mandates in terms of including measures to counteract sexual violence. The research confirms that peacekeeping missions are now more actively engaged in the international response to CRSV.

Narratives are essential for organizations and states to provide a framework for their decision-making processes and organizational structure and bolster their legitimacy by appealing to shared values and worldviews. These narratives will play a greater role in a multipolar world characterized by a diversity of worldviews and values that shape the internal and external perceptions of international actors. The authors compare the critical narratives forwarded by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), namely the Shanghai Spirit and the ASEAN Way. Drawing on scientific works dedicated to explicating the worldview, values, and norms espoused by the Shanghai Spirit and the ASEAN Way, the authors use syncretic approaches to show how these concepts are applied in these narratives. The Shanghai Spirit is based on mutual trust, mutual benefit, quality, respect for the diversity of civilizations, and the pursuit of common development. Similarly, the ASEAN Way is based on non-interference, non-confrontation, non-use of force, and consensus-based decision-making. The Shanghai Spirit and the ASEAN Way have notable similarities, such as an emphasis on preserving sovereignty, a pragmatic approach to regionalism, and a flexible, non-binding application. Although they also have significant differences, such as the rationale behind them, different preferred means of cooperation, and an emphasis on state security versus human security. The article argues that the unique features of the Shanghai Spirit and the ASEAN Way, which promote loose regionalism, combined with the state-centric Westphalian features of the contemporary international system, result in a new form of regionalism that is open yet preserves and reinforces the individual sovereignty of states. In this sense, the Shanghai Spirit and the ASEAN Way may provide the intellectual basis for a new form of regionalism and international relations that can better respond to the emerging challenges of a multipolar world.

A strong partnership between the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) is essential to achieving strategic convergence and coherence as well as effective solutions to complex peace and security challenges in Africa. In this article, the author examines the UN-AU peacekeeping nexus through research onpeacekeeping operations in Africaand analyzesthe key challenges in the UN-AU partnership for peacekeeping, including:the lack of clear regulation of actions in conflict despite attempts to develop common approaches to peacekeeping by the UN and the AU; the necessity of establishing equal, full and constructive participation of women in the peacekeeping process; and the problems in the relationship between the UN Security Council (UNSC) and the Peace and Security Council of the AU. The main objective of this article isto analyze the institutional structure of the African peace and security architecture, the evolution of the UN-AU partnership through the implementation of joint peacekeeping missions, and the challenges to their cooperation, as well as to assess the effectiveness of UN-AU cooperation. Based on a structural analysis of the African security architecture, quantitative methods of assessment,and comparative analysis of the UN and the AU statistics on partnership peacekeeping, as well as onwomen's participation in peacekeeping operations in Africa from 2003 to 2019, and the voting patterns of the A3 (Niger, South Africa and Tunisia) countries to UNSC resolutions on African peacekeeping, the author concludes that there is a direct correlation between the deteriorating security situation in Africa and the level of strategic partnership between the UN and the AU, and that, in the long term, the priority will be to help national governments to prevent the causes of conflicts, which will make it possible to take into account the local specificities of African states in resolving and preventing conflicts.