Suchergebnisse

Profiles the political and policy views of talk radio listeners and examines their voting behavior in the 1994 House, Senate, and gubernatorial elections; US. Finds them to be largely male, White, Republican, conservative, anti-Clinton, and politically involved; based chiefly on a Nov. 1994 exit poll of 10,210 voters by Voter News Service.

Examines party identification, political ideology, and voting patterns across socioeconomic status indicators. Based on exit polls from the 1984 and 1988 presidential elections.

THIS STUDY ASSESSES THE IMPACT OF ABORTION IN RECENT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. ANALYSIS OF CPS NATIONAL ELECTION SURVEY DATA REVEALS THAT THE POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ABORTION ISSUE IS PRIMARILY A WHITE PHENOMENON. THE DATA ALSO REVEAL A SUBSTANTIAL INCREASE IN PUBLIC AWARENESS OF CANDIDATE AND PARTY ABORTION POSITIONS BETWEEN 1976 AND 1980, WHICH SUGGESTS THAT THE 1980 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN MAY HAVE CLARIFIED FOR MANY THE TWO MAJOR PARTIES' POSITIONS ON THE ISSUE. WHEN PRESIDENTIAL VOTE PREFERENCE IS ASSESSED WITH CONTROLS FOR PARTISANSHIP AND PERCEPTION OF PARTY AND CANDIDATE STANDS ON ABORTION, THE ISSUE IS FOUND TO HAVE AN UNEVEN IMPACT ON THE TWO MAJOR PARTY COALITIONS. IT IS A FAR MORE POLARIZING ISSUE AMONG WHITE DEMOCRATS THAN WHITE REPUBLICANS.

Opinion change toward the US Equal Rights Amendment, in both ratifying and rejecting states; based on the 1976-82 national election study data of the Center for Political Studies. Identification of the amendment with liberalized abortion.

Some of the causes underlying the riots in US cities during the 1960s are linked to instability & fluctuations in the social, political, & economic life of inner-city blacks. Data collected in the 1950s & 1960s by the Center for Political Studies, U of Michigan, are used to examine the role of personal uncertainty in these riots. In an analysis of the survey data only on black Ms, (N not specified) grouped by age (16-29, 30-44, 45+), gamma coefficients are used to summarize attitudinal variables distinguishing riot-prone Ss. Uncertainty is shown to be the most significant attitudinal characteristic distinguishing rioters from nonrioters, & its influence extended across all three age groups. Ss in the youngest group who scored high on the personal uncertainty index were twice as likely as low-scoring counterparts to participate in riots. The investigation offers little support for the "riots-as-protests" explanation of the disturbances. 1 Table, 7 Figures. M. Milburn.

Research on attitudes toward Christian fundamentalists shows that antagonism toward this group has become a significant factor since the early 1990s in structuring candidate preferences and issue positions. This article explores how information conveyed in news media helped inform popular evaluations of fundamentalists and instruct antifundamentalists on how to make use of these judgments politically in the culture wars. Our thesis is that attitudes toward Christian fundamentalists can be considered in large measure as a reaction to messages about this group carried in media, filtered through individual differences in political attentiveness and predispositions. Data from the 1988-2004 American National Election Studies show significant media effects, which increased over time, particularly among the sophisticated segment of the public. Our findings illuminate how variation in media attentiveness and individual differences in political and cultural predispositions conjoin to determine whether and the degree to which nonfundamentalists feel antagonistically toward Christian fundamentalists. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008.]

Research on attitudes toward Christian fundamentalists shows that antagonism toward this group has become a significant factor since the early 1990s in structuring candidate preferences and issue positions. This article explores how information conveyed in news media helped inform popular evaluations of fundamentalists and instruct antifundamentalists on how to make use of these judgments politically in the culture wars. Our thesis is that attitudes toward Christian fundamentalists can be considered in large measure as a reaction to messages about this group carried in media, filtered through individual differences in political attentiveness and predispositions. Data from the 1988—2004 American National Election Studies show significant media effects, which increased over time, particularly among the sophisticated segment of the public. Our findings illuminate how variation in media attentiveness and individual differences in political and cultural predispositions conjoin to determine whether and the degree to which nonfundamentalists feel antagonistically toward Christian fundamentalists.