Suchergebnisse

Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany.

Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people's education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films.

Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin's model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.

Sweden and Finland obtain a special position within NATO strategy towards neutral states. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the background and perspectives for Sweden and Finland to join NATO in the 1990s - 2000s. This issue appeared on the top of agenda after these countries had entered the EU, and right after the Baltic states became members of NATO. Finland started to distant itself from Russia in 1990-1992, right after recognizing itself free from military and technical limitations set in the Peace treaty signed in 1947 and gaining an ability to arrange political and military alliances with other countries. Joining the Alliance has first appeared on the Finnish political agenda in the first half of the 1990s, though the political elite of Finland defining its practical relations with NATO also took into consideration the position of Russia since both countries had a long joint terrestrial border and close economic relations. Sweden started revising its foreign policy vector in 1991. The governing elite had an active discussion which ended with a compromise decision on preserving the neutral status of the country alongside with enforcing its defensive capacities. Since 1992, Finland and Sweden became participants of various agreements with NATO. Their armed forces and armaments systems have adopted the NATO standards, and have been working out their practical interaction during the joint military maneuvers and within Partnership for Peace program. In 2009 Nordic defense cooperation emerged, including three NATO participants - Iceland, Norway and Denmark. In April 2014 they signed an agreement on close military cooperation. Results: We can state without any doubt that Finland and Sweden would join NATO only when they face a real threat towards themselves. Russian policy in the region can be a trigger for that. After Crimea annexed Russia, the amount of advocates of joining NATO increased. Nevertheless, they still remain a minority. In this situation a referendum on joining NATO appears to have no perspectives. On the contrary, we should mark that both countries became involved into "crawling" integration into NATO structures: alongside with official Partnership for Peace program it takes place in the official European integration institutions. After joining the EU in 1995 Sweden and Finland are obliged to obey the joint European security and foreign policies, i.e. arranging their military and foreign policies with basic principles and directives developed jointly with other EU members, who are also participants of NATO. Thus, neutrality of these two states becomes a phantom, especially towards Russia.

The paper deals with higher school transformation in Prussia between 1807 and 1810. Discussion on new university took place before 1806-1807, and had a purpose to design a new model connected with the practical application of the knowledge,
also in public administration. The reforms initiated by Baron vom Stein and Karl August Fürst von Hardenberg offered the national principles to basics of Prussian state. Traditional point of view is that Friedrich Wilhelm Christian Karl Ferdinand von Humboldt ideas prevailed in the reform, though Theodor Anton Heinrich Schmalz's and Johann Gottfried Hoffmann's offers tapped into Faculty of Law and Political economics programme concepts. As a result, new principles appeared, and the ideal statesman image. The reform had a deep impact on academic positions in Prussia, transfer of knowledge and ideas, and tapped into transformation of Prussia to national state. It is possible to state that new university and the new public servants training models made its commitment to the approach transformation towards the public service and political culture evolution. The new approach towards the Academy of Sciences, its relations with government and society became a catalyst towards political culture transfer to civil and national one. The new university tapped into continuity of social and political
reforms in the kingdom even within the Bourbon Restoration after 1815.

The authors analyze the policy of NATO towards Sweden and Finland, the neutral states of Northern Europe, in 1991-2016. The authors emphasize that Finland and Sweden have always been of high strategic importance for NATO and the EU defence policy. The authors investigate the main areas of cooperation between NATO and the non-aligned countries of Northern Europe. The authors describe the prerequisites, prospects and possible consequences of Sweden and Finland's membership in NATO. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the policy of neutrality of these countries before and after their accession to the European Union. The aim of this research is to assess the evolution of political views of Sweden and Finland on the development and implementation of the policy of neutrality in 1991-2016. To achieve this goal, the authors use a comparative analysis to explore the stance of the governments of Sweden and Finland on the cooperation with NATO or membership in it. The authors reflect on the concepts of "Finlandisation", "freedom from alliances", "neutrality" and "secret alliance", which are often used in academic descriptions of the evolution of the position of both countries towards NATO. The authors hold that Finland and Sweden may become NATO members only if there is a direct threat to their security. Russian politics in the region may provoke them to take such a step. A referendum on joining the bloc seems to be highly unlikely; even though after the Crimean events, the number of NATO supporters in the two countries increased, they remained a minority. The authors conclude that both countries are involved in a "creeping" integration with NATO after they have become actors of the EU defence strategy. There is a minimum probability of Sweden and Finland's becoming full members of the Alliance. However, the traditional policy of neutrality of both countries is often compromised, particularly towards Russia.